2020년 6월 30일 화요일


180석의 힘으로 막나간다는 거지.
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1. 하루 확진 3만명 찍고 하강세였는데 최근 하루 4만명으로 급등
2. 우한폐렴 총책 파우치 박사는 하루 확진 10만명까지 올라간다고 예측
3. 폭증 주요원인은 흑인폭동, 휴일파티, 선술집 등등 사회적거리 개무시하기때문임  / 일베

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中, 계속되는 폭우에 앞뒤 재지 않고 싼샤댐 긴급 방류 결정한 충격적 이유 – 2020.07.01



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정치인 자질 / 번영의 길 / 채수찬(카이스트 부총장) (6/6) [공병호TV]



---->채수찬이라는 사람은 전형적인 개입주의 사상을 지닌 듯하고, 자유시장 경제를 제대로 이해하지 못하는 것 같다. 

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한국 경제에 태풍이 몰아칠 것 같다.
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대단한 어록이다.
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중국경제, “폭삭” 무너진다! …”최소한, 중국 금보유고의 4.2%는 가짜!” ... 이슈방담#.162 ... 2020.06.30. ... [박훈탁TV]



중국 … 미국 Black Lives Matter 조직에 공격용 무기부품 보내다가, 적발! ... 이슈진단#.162 ... 2020.07.01. ...[박훈탁TV]



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전자 개표기 (투표지분류기)의 조작 흔적





Scott 인간과 자유이야기
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얼마나 버틸까 [공병호TV]


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토마스 소얼: 시장의 이해와 선택의 자유
올해로 출간 40주년이 되는 소얼의 책 <지식과 결정>은 하이에크의 논문 <사회에서 지식의 사용>의 확장판이다.
하이에크는 중앙의 계획자가 성취할 수 없는 측면에 집중한 반면, 소얼의 책은 시장이 성취할 수 있는 것에 초점을 맞추었다.
시장이란 단지 기존의 다양한 기관institutions들 중에 하나를 선택할 수 있고, 그것을 자신의 상황과 취향에 따라 배열할 수 있다는 것이다.
사람들은 하나의 예정된 과정을 따르는 것보다는 다양한 선택지 중에 하나를 고를 때 더 나은 선택을 한다.
인간의 능력과 취향과 상황이 너무나 다양하기 때문에, 정부가 제공하는 단일한 방침으로는 이것들을 만족시킬 수 없다.
우리가 쉽게 밥과 옷을 구할 수 있는 이유는, 무엇이 최선의 밥이고 옷인지에 대한 합의가 없기 때문이다. 만일 우리가 합의를 먼저 이끌어내야 한다면, 우리는 옷과 밥조차도 구할 수가 없다.
 
Thomas Sowell: Understanding Markets and Free Choice
 
Gary Galles
 
June 30 marks the ninetieth birthday of Thomas Sowell. But it is insufficiently celebrated, in no small part because he shares that birthday with Frederic Bastiat, one of history’s most famous economics writers, whose work attracts a great deal of attention then.
 
That is ironic in that Sowell and Bastiat share an uncommon ability to write sensibly about economics in ways “real people” can understand, especially in spotting the errors that are so common in public policy, without overreliance on jargon, diagrams, or mathematics.
 
But fortunately for modern readers, we have been able to benefit from Sowell’s much longer productive life, including roughly fifty books, decades of popular articles as a syndicated columnist, and continuing contributions on Twitter, where he is one of the few who seem able to consistently make sense within its narrow space constraints. In fact, while I was working on this article, he provided an example when he tweeted, “Have we reached the ultimate stage of absurdity where some people are held responsible for things that happened before they were born, while other people are not held responsible for what they themselves are doing today?”
 
I have been one of those who has benefited greatly from Thomas Sowell’s work, ever since overlapping at UCLA when I was an economics graduate student. I have read most of his books and reviewed some. I am expecting an early copy of his latest book, with an eye to reviewing it as well. A dean once asked me to construct a “replacement” course for a master of public policy student who after acceptance to the program produced a doctor’s note stating that he was unable to process either diagrams or mathematics, making the standard approach to teaching them unworkable. So I constructed readings (and complementary essay questions) that offered sensible public policy approaches and insights without overrelying on those tools. Five Sowell books were on that reading list, and when students ask me today about good nontechnical analyses of economic issues, I routinely recommend his books. In fact, another professor and I have conducted student reading groups for the last three years, and the first two years involved Sowell books (last year’s group read Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom).
 
Sowell’s interests go well beyond just public policy. Yet even outside my areas of particular interest, to say that I have never failed to be stimulated and educated by any of his books is a substantial understatement, in that he provides not just a few insights, but many, often densely packed ones. However, particularly for anyone who is interested in careful thinking about public policy, his writing offers serious, comprehensible understanding over a wide range of applications (making me glad Sowell did not give up writing between his first submitted article at age seventeen and his first sold article at age thirty). But there is so much material that it is impossible to do his work justice in a short space.
 
A sample worthy of his milestone may be found in one of my favorite Sowell bookshis award-winning Knowledge and Decisions, celebrating its fortieth anniversary this year. It is a favorite of mine, because it is an expansion on Friedrich Hayek’s “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” which threw a major roadblock in the way of assertions that central planning could efficiently organize society. Hayek demonstrated that one could not just put all relevant information into a master computer, tell it to equate marginal everything to marginal everything else, and generate economic efficiency centrally. The reason is that vast amounts of valuable information consist of details of time and place confronting different people in different circumstances, which are unknowable by a central planner. And throwing away all that information must throw away the wealth (what people value) whose creation it would have made possible. Only by allowing those affected individuals to make their own plans, coordinated by voluntary market arrangements, can that information be efficiently utilized.
 
While Hayek’s seminal article focused on what central planners could not achieve, in Knowledge and Decisions Sowell focused more on the upside of what markets could achieve. He noted “the civilized man’s utter lack of knowledge of the everyday apparatus on which he depends,” that is, how little each of us must know when markets allow us to utilize the vast complementary knowledge of others and yet not just survive, but thrive. As he wrote,
 
each civilized manneed know little beyond his [field]. Food reaches him through processes of which he is probably ignorant, if not misinformedtechnical, economic, and political intricacies are barely suspected, much less known to him. His home is likely to be stocked with many devices working on mechanical and electrical principles which he neither understands theoretically nor can cope with as a practical matteryet markets can still put others’ valuable knowledge at our disposal to create a standard of living unimaginable to earlier generations. And what we now have, not just what we might achieve, is threatened by expanding central planning in society. If people recognized not just what central planners cannot do, but what central planning would force us to give up, they would have few acolytes.
 
Sowell also laid out how most criticisms of markets versus government “solutions” are confused.
 
“The market” is nothing more than an option for each individual to choose among numerous existing institutions, or to fashion new arrangements suited to his own situation and taste. The government establishesthe answer to a given problem. “The market” is simply the freedom to choose among many existing or still-to-be-created possibilities.Any comparison of market processes and governmental processes for making a particular set of decisions is a comparison between given institutions, prescribed in advance, and an option to select or create institutions ad hoc.The advantages of market institutions over government institutions are not so much in their particular characteristics as institutions but in the fact that people can usually make a better choice out of numerous options than by following a single prescribed process.
 
Sowell went further, showing how the diversity of our abilities, tastes, circumstances, etc., leads to false perceptions of chaos and inefficiency in markets, yet means that any single “answer” government dictates cannot serve humanity well:
 
Diversityinsures that no given institution will become the answer to a human problem in the market.Responsiveness to individual diversity means that market processes necessarily produce “chaotic” results from the point of view of any single given scale of values. No matter which particular way you think people[should have their needs met], the market will not do it just that way, because the market is not a particular set of institutions. People who are convinced their values are bestnot only for themselves but for othersmust necessarily be offended by many things that happen in a market economy.
 
Another crucial implication is that “The diversity of tastes satisfied by a market may be its greatest economic achievement, but it is also its greatest political vulnerability.” We see this illustrated in “Denunciations of ‘inefficiency’ and ‘waste’ [that] are often nothing more than statements of a different set of preferences” and the fact that “Schemes to turn particular decisions or processes over to ‘experts’are often simply ways of allowing one group of people to impose their subjective preferences on others.” As Sowell summarized it,
 
To those who feel that their values are the values, the less controlled systems necessarily present a spectacle of “chaos,” simply because such systems respond to diversity of values. The more successfully such systems respond to diversity, the more “chaos” there will be, by definition, according to the standards of any specific set of valuesother than diversity or freedom as values. Looked at another way, the more self-righteous observers there are, the more “chaos” (and waste) will be seen.
 
This also leads to a recognition of how “Ringing calls for a national consensus on this or that are often preposterousbecause, given the enormous cost of consensus, it is unlikely to [generally] be achieved.” In fact, freedom points us in a different direction.
 
We satisfy our desires at least costwhich is to say, we can satisfy more of our desiresby minimizing the amount of consensus that is necessary. We easily provide ourselves with food and clothing precisely because there is no consensus needed as to what is the best food or the best clothing. If we had to reach consensus first, we might destroy ourselves in the process of trying to meet basic needs.
 
All of Thomas Sowell’s insights above are worth thinking through carefully. But they are only a small part of what Knowledge and Decisions had, and still has, to offer. In fact, all of the quotes used here come from just six different pages (7, 4145, and 52) out of a 400-plus-page book, which is only 2 percent of his book outputnot even counting millions of his words in other venues. It is my hope that this short article will act as bait to induce people to seriously read some of his incredibly productive life’s work. As for myself, I would just like to say thank you, Tom, for what I have learned from you.

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2020년 6월 29일 월요일

심판의 날이 온 건가?
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지옥의 문은 이렇게 열린다.
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흑인 트렌스젠더 퀴어 레즈비언으로
2020년 홍콩 켈빈클라인 모델의 주인공이 됨

흑인 폭동과 함께
PC의 정점을 찍고 있는 2020년임
/ 일베

---->시대의 광기를 잘 표현한 현상
추한 게 아름다움이 되고, 거짓이 진실로 포장된다.
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와장창 부서지다 / 코로나발 경제구조 변화[공병호TV]



--->하나의 세계가 파괴되고, 새로운 세계가 태어나려 하고 있다. 어쩌면 코로나 팬데믹은 새로운 세계를 탄생시키기 위한 촉진제일지도 모른다.  
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정규재 / 이것도 증거다 [공병호TV]



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김무성의 인터뷰 기사  / 출처 미래한국

---> 흑색선전으로 만들어진 일시적인 여론으로 대통령을 탄핵했다고 고백했군.  김무성 저 개자식은 좌파들과 함께 반드시 단죄되어야 한다.
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박근혜를 파면시킨 당신들에게 묻는다. 그날의 결정을 후회하는가?

프리덤뉴스 이상로

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2심판사의 용기! (진성호의 직설)



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수법 살펴보니 [ 이 슈 퀵 배 승 희 ]

정의연의 위안부 성금 슈킹

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좌파들이 만든 윤석열 조형물 / 일베
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Nassim Nicholas Taleb
 
A person stopped cycling when his odometer ceased to function, waiting for a replacement. He felt his cycling "did not count".
 
This explains the difference between an academic & a real scholar.
 
주행계가 고장 났다고, 교체를 기다리며 자전거 타기를 중단한 사람이 있다. 그는 자신의 주행이 의미가 없다고 느꼈다.
 
이 사례는 상아탑의 학자와 진정한 탐구자의 차이를 설명한다.
 
---->진정한 탐구자라면 주행계가 있건 없건 계속 달린다.
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바스티아의 탄생을 기념하며
* , 간접적으로 사유재산을 해치고, 신뢰를 저해하며, 안전을 약화시키는 모든 것은 자본의 축적에 장애물이며, 노동자 계층에 악영향을 끼친다. 모든 세금과 짜증나는 정부의 간섭 또한 그러하다.
국가는 시민들의 복지를 직접적으로 제공해야 한다고 되어 있다. 하지만 그것은 정부 또는 공공의 금고가 약탈당하는 것을 의미한다.
정부의 합법적인 기능... 일단 이런 기능들이 이해되고, 한계가 정해지며, 국민들이 더 이상 번영과 복지와 부()를 기대하지 않고, 단지 모두에 대한 평등한 정의를 원한다면, 정부는 행동을 자제하고, 개인들의 자유를 억압하지 않으며, 공공의 자산을 탕진하지도 않을 것이다.
 
 
Toasting with Bastiat, on His Birthday
 
Gary Galles
 
June 30 is Frederic Bastiat’s birthday. That is noteworthy, as his contributions on behalf of liberty were not only massively important, but have stood the test of time.
 
As Julian Adorney and Matt Palumbo wrote for the Mises Institute, he used "taut logic and compelling prose to bring the dry field of economics to hundreds of thousands of laymen."
 
Murray Rothbard wrote that he was "a lucid and superb writer, whose brilliant and witty essays and fables to this day are remarkable and devastating demolitions of protectionism and of all forms of government subsidy and control. He was a truly scintillating advocate of an unrestricted free market."
 
The introduction to The Bastiat Collection, which incorporates his greatest works, summarizes his importance by saying that "If we were to take the greatest economists from all ages and judge them on the basis of their theoretical rigor, their influence on economic education, and their impact in support of the free-market economy, then Frédéric Bastiat would be at the top of the list."
 
For all the praise Bastiat has deservedly received, however, his greatest works don’t exhaust his wisdom, and people are far less aware of some of those other words of wisdom. In particular, in Frederic Bastiat: The Man and the Statesman, Liberty Fund has published a collection of 207 letters he wrote (including many to Richard Cobden, "the father of free trade"), but they have not gotten the same attention as his major works.
 
That is why it is worth celebrating Bastiat’s 1801 birth by looking to his letters for added words of wisdom, following his recognition that "Truth has power only when it is defused." Here are some that I found particularly striking:
"As long as our deputies want to further their own business and not that of the general public, the public will remain just the tail end of the people in power."
"Although there are a few souls who instinctively would like freedom to a certain extent, there are none who understand it in principle."
"Let us raise the flag of absolute freedom and absolute principle, and let us wait for those with the same faith to join us."
"We would not even be able to mention the word justice if we accepted the shadow of protection."
"The liberation of trade will lead to political liberationinvasive politics will have ceased to exist."
"I want not so much free trade itself as the spirit of free trade for my country. Free trade means a little more wealth; the spirit of free trade is a reform of the mind itselfthe source of all reform."
"The cause we serve is not bounded by the borders of a nation. It is universal and will find its solution only in its acceptance by all peoples."
"[Many] have the same goal, tyranny. They differ only on the question ofin whose hands the despotism will be placed. This is why the thing they fear most is a spirit of true freedom."
"The plentiful bounty of the statethe whole mechanism consists in taking away ten to give it back eight, not to mention the true freedom that will be destroyed in the operation!"
"Anything that can, directly or indirectly, damage property, undermine confidence, or weaken security is an obstacle to the accumulation of capital and has an unfavorable effect on the working classes. This is also true for all taxes and irritating governmental interference."
 
"How can industry revive when it is accepted in principle that the scope for regulation is unlimited? When every minute a decree on earnings, working hours, the cost of things, etc., can upset all economic decision making?"
"The dominant notionthat has permeated every class of society, is that the state is responsible for providing a living for everyone.The real cause of the evil is certainly the false ideas of socialism."
"The state has been required to provide for the welfare of its citizens directly. But.This means that the state or the public treasury has been plundered."
"Every class has demanded from the state the means of subsistence, as of right. The efforts made by the state to provide this have led only to taxes and restrictions and an increase in deprivation, with the result that the demands of the people have become more pressing.[All] have called upon the law to intervene to increase their share of wealth. The law has been able to satisfy them only by creating distress in the other classes, especially the working classes. These therefore raised a clamor, and instead of demanding that this plundering should cease, they demanded that the law should allow them to take part in the plundering as well. It has become general and universal."
"Each person should call upon his own forces to provide his means of existence and expect the state to provide only justice and security."
"You need to be uncommonly absurd and foolish to believe that it is an act of courage to vote in favor of mightthe majority, the passions of the moment, and the government."
"Protectionism [is] the negation of the right of property."
"Protectionism is a plague."
"As long as the state is regardedas a source of favors, our history will be seen as having only two phases, the periods of conflict as to who will take control of the state and the periods of truce, which will be the transitory reign of a triumphant oppression, the harbinger of a fresh conflict."
"The legitimate functions of the governmentonce these functions have been understood and these limits set, the people governed will no longer expect prosperity, well-being, and absolute good fortune but equal justice for all from their governments.governments will have their ordinary action circumscribed, will no longer repress individual energy, will no longer dissipate public assetsand will themselves be freed from the illusionary hopes pinned on them by their peoples."
"[Even] the best assembly is good only for preventing evil."
"What I ask of the law is that it should be neutral between us and that it should guarantee my property in the same way as that of the blacksmith."
"The government should guarantee security to each person andshould not concern itself with anything else."
"A keen wit and a clear pithy writing style," as Adorney and Palumbo described it, is clearly on display in Bastiat’s letters as well as his other, better-known writing. That is why his letters are worth our consideration as well. They even provide us with a toast worthy of emulating:
Allow me, in closingthis toast: To free trade among peoples! To the free circulation of men, things, and ideas! To universal free trade and all its economic, political, and moral consequences!
 
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