2021년 5월 6일 목요일
1부: 韓・美서 터져 나온 「백신으로 집단면역 불가능」! 결국 70% 집단면역 대선 겨냥 정치 사기극?
(2021.05.04) [정치분석]
황장수의 뉴스브리핑
https://youtu.be/v1_1Go8szR0
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올해에만 3900명이 한국 국적을 취득할 수 있다.
영주권 가진 외국인 자녀에 한국 국적 주자는 정부, 적용 대상 95%가 중국인 / 인사이트
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서민물가 부담-인플레 경고음… 월세도 6년만에 최대 상승/ 동아일보
4월 물가상승폭 3년 8개월만에 최대
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우울·불안 너머 울분까지…한국인 60%가 '만성울분'
---> 국민 절반이 울분에 차 있는데, 그 에너지가 폭발하지 않고 있다. 어쩌면 그게 더 문제다.
헬스 조선
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[단독][특종] 엘지전자가 중앙선관위에 납품한 노트북 무선랜카드 패드 표면, 세상밖으로(최초 공개)
조충열 기자 승인 2021.05.05
중앙선관위, 통신을 이용했나 의혹의 실마리 나와...
궁금해하던 엘지전자가 중앙선관위에 납품한 투표지분류기 운용장치인 엘지그램 노트북 패드 표면 모습은 이런 모습...
최초 공개
http://www.andongdaily.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=24500
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김정호 서강대 겸임교수 '상속세 내도 삼성 뺏길 수 있다'
펜앤논평 / 2021년 5월 4일 펜앤뉴스
https://youtu.be/iaLrTtm9etY
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[이영훈의 역사비평] 국사학의 위기
https://youtu.be/bvxkK625qaU
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우리가 승리한 뒤에 우리도 파시스트가 될 수도 있다.
The China model: why is the West imitating Beijing?
‘There’s an osmosis in war, call it what you will, but the victors always tend to assume the… the, eh, trappings of the loser,’ says one of the officers in Norman Mailer’s The Naked and the Dead. ‘We might easily go fascist after we win.’............./ 닐 퍼거슨
--->나의 생각엔 기우일 가능성이 더 크다. 중국은 2천여 년 동안 전제 관료제를 시행한 나라이고, 한번도 '민주제'를 경험하지 못한 나라이다. 그래서 지금도 시진핑이 너무 쉽게 다시 문혁 시대로 나라를 역행시킬 수가 있는 것이다.
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지적인 표준화의 위험성
디바인(Donald Devine) 교수가 출판한 은 자본주의가 도덕적 가치를 훼손하고 있다는 주장을 반박하며 쓴 책이다.
자본주의의 역사는 서구의 문명사이기도 하다. 자유시장의 토대인 사유재산제도는 약자를 보호한다.
사유재산제도는 폭력에 의한 경쟁을 평화적인 경쟁으로 바꾼다.
The Sterility of Intellectual Standardization
David Gordon
Devine responds to the critics who claim that capitalism is increasingly under attack because it promotes a collapse of moral values. Devine is fully capable of handling these accusations and has written a book worth reading.
Capitalism is increasingly under attack these days by people who claim that it promotes a collapse of moral values, subordinating all else to the pursuit of individual wealth and pleasure. Often these critics demand either the strict supervision of the free market by elite government administrators or its outright replacement by socialism. In this very wide ranging book, Donald Devine responds to this attack.
He is well equipped to do so, owing to his long experience as a political science professor and as a government administrator. He tells us, “Your author comes to the discussion from the academic field of political science and two decades of teaching at the University of Maryland and Bellevue University. One competency was in normal politics, government, and democratic theory, but I also taught philosophy of science…. Another specialty was public administration, put to practical use as director of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management in 1981–1985.”
What is the basis of the charge that capitalism leads to the collapse of moral values? Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin contend that the intellectual inception of capitalism lies in the thought of John Locke, who rejected Christianity and natural law. According to Strauss, “Locke did not take revelation seriously and was really a pure rationalist and a hedonist whose philosophy was essentially utilitarian, but disguised in a way to appeal to his readers, in a society where virtue rather than pleasure was the highest good.”
Devine agrees that Locke’s thought is central to the development of the free market, but his view of Locke differs from that of Strauss and Voegelin. “There is no question that Locke moved away from Aristotle and the ancients, but so did St. Thomas. The break was located in medieval thinking…. Four decades ago I argued, against the dominant scholarship, that one could not understand Locke unless one viewed him as medieval, as feudal, as Christian…. Locke was orthodox enough to write a discourse defending miracles, and in his last years he translated and extensively commented upon the Epistles of St. Paul.”
“Feudal” is for Devine a key word. Though people often denounce the Middle Ages as “dark,” he finds in this period the pluralist ideas and institutions that led to a highly successful capitalist economy embedded in a virtuous society. In taking this stance, he relies on both Joseph Schumpeter and surprisingly, on Karl Marx. “Slavery had been a part of all ancient civilizations, but in medieval Europe it was replaced by serfdom, granting limited rights. As Marx himself explained, serfdom was hardly ideal but it was an advance over slavery, and feudalism ended with broadly distributed de facto private property, which prepared the way for wage labor and mature capitalism.”
Devine also appeals to the great legal historian Harold Berman, who “in Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition, meticulously traced the crucial legal and moral development back to the Abbey of Cluny (founded in 909) and to the reforms of Pope Gregory VII, who had been a monk in a Cluniac monastery. The many Cluniac foundations across Europe were governed through an innovative corporate structure under the abbot of Cluny, which enabled Gregory VII to reassert the independence of the church from secular powers…. As Berman’s comprehensive study suggests, the history of capitalism is simultaneously the history of Western civilization.”
Capitalism is then in its origins and essence moral. Far from being a predatory system in which the wealthy exploit the poor, the regime of private property on which the free market rests protects the weak. “Why might the very poorest be so interested in property rights? Armen A. Alchian, an emeritus economics professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, put it this way: ‘well-defined and well-protected property rights replace competition by violence with competition by peaceful means.’”
Devine’s positive view of the morality of the market puts him at odds with the market’s many critics, and, of our contemporaries, Pope Francis stands foremost among these. Devine contends that the pope developed his anticapitalist views through his experiences growing up in the Argentina of Juan Perón, and, though he is well-meaning, his ideas are often mistaken. He wrongly views the free market as a zero-sum game, in which some (the rich) gain only at the expense of others (the poor). In fact, the free market is a system of voluntary exchanges, and such exchanges take place only if all parties to them expect to benefit.
The free market, based on moral tradition and pluralist institutions of medieval origin, served our nation well, and it was subject to concerted attack only at the turn of the twentieth century. “When Americans wrote their Declaration of Independence, and eventually the constitution for the new nation, their main source for incorporating Magna Carta values was John Locke…. The Founders’ vision of a pluralist republic, with a market economy, mostly held sway in the United States until the progressive intellectual revolution led by Woodrow Wilson and John Dewey questioned its legitimacy. The pluralist consensus was then challenged by an ideology aiming to create a more perfect society through expert administration and scientific education.” Here, as it seems to me, Devine has underestimated the effects of the Civil War in promoting a powerful federal government.
Despite the Wilsonian assault on our traditional system of government and the continuation of that assault by Franklin Roosevelt and his successors, a consensus about morality remained in place through the early 1970s. “Forty-eight years ago, I published The Political Culture of the United States…. The editor warned that its thesis asserting the existence of a broad moral consensus on traditional Lockean values among Americans would antagonize fellow professors who assumed that the U.S. population was inclining leftward. But the book’s use of virtually all public opinion polls taken in the United States up to then was so empirically persuasive that academic reviews in a profession dominated by progressive intellectuals accepted its factual if not its moral conclusions. What were the elements of that consensus? … Free markets and property rights. Faith in God and commitment to traditional moral values. Attachment to family and community. A premium on education and work achievement.”
The consensus no longer prevails, but Devine, by contrast with Charles Murray, a fellow laudator temporis acti (praiser of past times) is hopeful for a restoration. He favors a concerted campaign to restore local institutions, and in particular federal controls over educational standards rouse him to wrath. He appeals in support to a great friend and benefactor of the Mises Institute. “Robert Luddy, an educational entrepreneur, has remarked that standardization ‘potentially sucks the life out of … great ideas.’ The reforms of public education that appear to be effective are the charter school movement, scholarships that enable students to transfer to better-performing private schools, and homeschooling. All of these permit some choice on the part of parents and students, rather than imposing a single-plan that supposedly fits all but actually benefits few.”
One could wish that Devine had carried out his main line of thought further to a defense of an entirely free market, without concessions to government welfare programs, but he stops short of this, owing to a preference for pluralism and empiricism over “rationalism.” I do not propose, though, to dispute with him here. Instead, I urge everyone to learn from Devine’s comments on a vast number of topics, only a few of which I have been able to address.
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