4년여만에 다시 나타난 기생충들 디오미드 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11335179099 환경이용단체 밀양 송전탑 100여개가 환경파괴한다고 공사를 1년여 중단시켰던 환경이용단체, 종교이용단체들이 문재인정권이 들어서자 태양광패널로 밀양 송전탑 수십만배의 산야과 파괴되고 있는대도 사라졌다가 오세훈 시장 되고 3일만에 다시 나타났다 앞으로 시민단체 앞에는 꼭 "이용"이라는 단어를 붙여 말해라 여성단체가 박원순 성추행사건이 터지자 아닥후 성추행 호소인에 붙었다가 여론이 급격하게 안좋아지자 그제서야 호소인을 땠던 것이 여성이용단체였다. 윤미향이는 아예 위안부 할머니등에 빨대를 꼽고 다닌 대표적인 위안부이용단체 였듯이 말이다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 조선일보 野 “천안함 재조사 불가→개시… 당시 윗선 개입, 결정 뒤집었다” --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 조선일보 미국, 反中 연합전선에서 한국 뺐다 skyx**** 어후 쪽팔려. 동맹국이면 동맹국끼리 뭉처야지 완전 중공과 부칸의 똥개 노릇하는 좌파놈들과 문재앙 때문에 국격이 중국의 자치구 연변 수준이네. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 베이더우 위성항법장치의 비극/일본, 중공의 팽팽한 군사대치/반중으로 돌아서는 터키 박상후의 문명개화 중공이 미국의 GPS를 제치고 세계의 위성항법 표준을 만들겠다고 야심차게 완성안 베이더우 위성항법시스템으로 중공전역이 시끄럽습니다. 중공당국이 베이더우를 민간에 강제 보급하면서 트럭 운전기사가 스스로 목숨을 끊었습니다. 트럭기사의 안전운행 보장 목적이라면서 강제로 차에 베이더우 시스템을 장착하게 하고 신호가 끊기면 감시를 피할 저의라면서 벌금을 부과하고 있습니다. 허베이 탕산의 한 검문소에서 50대 화물트럭 기사가 당국의 가렴주구에 분을 참지 못하고 신병까지 비관해 농약을 마시고 스스로 목숨을 끊었습니다. 중공 전역의 트럭, 화물차 기사가 이 같은 비극에 크게 분개하고 있습니다./ 한편 중공당국이 전쟁분위기를 부추기기 위해 선전영상을 만들어 젊은층들의 군입대를 독려하고 있습니다. 또 남지나해, 타이완 해협에서 무력시위를 강화하면서 일본과도 일촉즉발의 분위기를 자아내고 있습니다. 전세계에서 중공의 횡포에 반감을 가지는 국가가 늘어나고 있는 가운데 중공에 유화적이었던 터키도 반중으로 바뀌고 있습니다. 신쟝 위구르의 인종절멸 정책에 대해 억눌려 왔던 민족, 종교감정이 터키 조야에서 일제히 폭발하면서 에르도안 정권도 중공에 마냥 우호적인 스탠스를 유지하기가 힘들게 됐습니다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 최근 학계를 놀라게한 양자역학 실험.jpg 다이아조늄 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11335229431 사전투표소 출입한 사람숫자를 카메라로 24시간 감시하면 오세훈이 매우 크게 이기고 감시 안하면 박영선이 이기거나 비등함. ㄹㅇ 현대판 이중슬릿 실험 ㅋㅋㅋ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 또 부'정선'거야? 30만표조작, 서울시장선거 실체를 까발린다 [바실리아TV] https://youtu.be/ir8TJCrwIhg ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 특별 인터뷰] 민주노총의 국가 전복 음모 - 전광훈 목사, 김준용 국민노조 사무총장 2021.04.09 너알아티비 https://youtu.be/2susIra8XTI -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Nathan J Robinson @conor64 님에게 보내는 답글 There is no inherent value to “viewpoint diversity.” The physics department would not be enriched by the addition of the Timecube crank. Having people who reject scholarly consensus for the sake of “difference” is irrational. 관점의 다양성에는 내재적 가치가 없다. 다름 자체를 위해 학자적 합의를 거부하는 것은 비이성적이다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Kati Kariko Helped Shield the World From the Coronavirus Collaborating with devoted colleagues, Dr. Kariko laid the groundwork for the mRNA vaccines turning the tide of the pandemic. mRNA 백신의 아이디어를 최초로 구상했던 헝가리 출신의 과학자 카리코에 대한 기사 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 200년전 존 테일러의 우려와 경고 조지 워싱턴 휘하에서 육군 장교이기도 했던 존 테일러의 1822년 책 <벌거벗긴 독재 Tyranny Unmasked>는 정치가들이 무역을 억압하게 되면 그에 동반해 반드시 자유를 파괴하게 된다는 사실을 보여준다. 정치가들이 공정 무역을 외칠 때면, 그들은 “공정”과는 정반대의 의미로 그 단어를 사용한다. 정치가들이 불공정 무역이라고 할 때, 그 말의 의미는 구매자와 판매자가 자발적으로 동의하지 않았다는 뜻이 아니라, 미국 정부 관리가 그들 사이의 거래를 불허한다는 뜻이다. 테일러는 관세와 기타 보조금 따위가 워싱턴을 로비스트와 사기꾼들의 늪으로 만든다는 것을 알았다. 테일러는 관세를 정부 권력의 거대한 팽창이자 정치적 특권이라고 보았다. 그는 야망과 탐욕이 문명화된 독재를 만드는 열정이라고 설파했다. 그는 또 미국의 양당제를 악당들이 돌아가면서 대중들을 약탈하는 제도라고 조롱했다. 그는 미국이 수천년 동안 인류를 괴롭혀온 정치적 우상화를 뒤집어엎는 임무를 부여받았지만, 미국의 시민들이 정치적 사기 행위에 그들의 자유를 헌납하고 있다고 보았다. The 200th Anniversary of a Great American Demolition of Tyranny James Bovard This year is the 200th anniversary of the publication of one of the best American books on trade policy by one of the most thoughtful and least appreciated political analysts of the Founding Fathers era. I ran into John Taylor of Caroline when I was roaming the shelves of the Library of Congress in 1987. A few weeks earlier, I had written a piece that the Wall Street Journal headlined, “U.S. Fair Trade Laws Are Anything But,” in which I pounded the Commerce Department for almost always finding imports guilty of selling at “less than fair value” on the basis of nonsense pulled out of their bureaucratic ears. I scoffed that U.S. “trade laws perpetually inflate domestic prices in order to protect consumers against the one-in-a-million possibility that a foreign company could corner the market—and raise prices.” Bruce Smart, the undersecretary of commerce for international trade, sent an angry response to the Journal: “Mr. Bovard displays an alarming ignorance of our trade laws.” I sought to allay officialdom’s alarms by becoming better informed. I slipped into the Library of Congress alcoves, found the shelves with publications on trade policy from America’s first decades, and fetched out an armload of musty petitions to Congress from the early 1800s. Citizen committees from Boston to Virginia denounced rising tariffs as a betrayal of the Constitution, denying that the federal government had any right to forcibly sacrifice some groups for others’ profit. I also found Tyranny Unmasked, a not-quite-tattered 1822 book. The author, John Taylor (1753–1824), had been an Army officer under George Washington during the Revolutionary War and later served in the U.S. Senate, representing Virginia. I photocopied the entire book and devoured it page by page. (Tyranny Unmasked was reprinted by the Liberty Fund in 1992.) I quoted Taylor in a follow-up Wall Street Journal piece, “American History: Pass a Tariff, Start a War.” Taylor’s book beautifully showed how politicians could not strangle trade without also destroying freedom. It was a revelation to see how protectionists had used the same arguments in the early 1800s that they propagated in the 1980s. Taylor provided some of the most insightful quotes for my 1991 book, The Fair Trade Fraud (St. Martin’s Press). In exchanges between individuals—in contract law—the test of fairness is the voluntary consent of each party to the bargain—“the free will which constitutes fair exchanges,” as Taylor wrote. But when politicians call for “fair trade” with foreigners, they routinely use a concept of fairness that is diametrically opposed to the words’ normal usage. When politicians speak of unfair trade, they do not mean that buyers and sellers do not voluntarily agree, but that U.S. government officials disapprove of the bargains American citizens choose to make. Tyranny Unmasked was an angry retort to an 1821 report by the congressional Committee on Manufactures, which asserted that “commerce is exporting, not importing” and “the excess of exports over imports is the rate of profit.” This same gem of logic popped up in President Donald Trump’s ragings against imports, thereby proving that some fallacies are eternal. Taylor skewered protectionists with piercing sarcasm: “How could it happen that exchanges of property with foreigners should ruin us, but that transfers of property [by means of tariffs] to capitalists should do us no harm?” Taylor recognized how tariffs corrupted the entire political system: “Laws for creating exclusive privileges and monopolies corrupt governments, interests, and individuals; and substitute patronage, adulation and favor, for industry, as the road to wealth.” Taylor appealed to the values of 1776 to seek to block the skullduggery of his time: “We fought in the revolutionary war against exclusive privileges and oppressive monopolies.” And Taylor also had the record on his side: “In the history of the world, there is no instance of a political economy bottomed upon exclusive privileges, having made any compensation for the deprivation it inflicts.” Tyranny Unmasked rebutted the statist delusions that were bubbling up in the District of Columbia even before the birth of Ronald Reagan. Taylor scoffed at the notion of any natural or inherent harmony of interests between rulers and the ruled: “Governments able to do so, uniformly sacrifice the national interest to their own.” Taylor derided the congressional report for asserting “that an overflowing treasury indicates national prosperity.” Taylor points out that “this is the chorus of all the songs uttered by those who receive such overflowings.” Perhaps he saw how tariffs and other business subsidies would turn Washington into a swamp of lobbyists and shameless hustlers. Taylor jibed, “What painter has drawn Liberty as a mogul almost suffocated with money and jewels; or with an overflowing Treasury in her lap, and scattering money and exclusive privileges with her hands?” Protectionists in the early 1800s were calling for higher tariffs as retaliation against European barriers against American imports. Taylor noted, “All monopolies and exclusive privileges [for protecting domestic manufacturers] have succeeded by using the same argument. It is invariably condensed in the single word ‘reciprocity’…. It would be exactly the case of a pacific war, in which the nations should make laws that neither should attack the other, but that each should shed at home a reciprocal portion of its own blood.” Taylor heartily flogged that recipe for prosperity: We have long been engaged in what is called a war of reciprocity. Blow begets blow, and wound follows wound, and commerce is gasping in the battle…. We have not gained a single victory in a twenty years’ war of restrictions against restriction, and the harder we strike the enemy, the more severely the blow recoils upon ourselves. Taylor recognized that the best way to fight foreign unfair trade practices is to maximize American productivity. He declared, “The most efficacious mode of defeating foreign restrictions to which we can resort, would be to establish a really free commerce, which would enlist the merchants of all nations to evade and counteract them.” Taylor’s warnings went unheeded. In 1828, Congress passed the “Tariff of Abominations”—a crushing, heavy tariff that explicitly sacrificed one part of the country to another part—and set the South on fire. Northern manufacturers got almost all the benefits of protection, while Southern farmers were forced to pay higher prices for comparatively inferior American products and lost their cotton export markets because of foreign retaliation against the United States. In 1832, Congress upped the tariff still higher. South Carolina declared the new tariff unconstitutional and thereby null, sparking a national crisis. In early 1861, after seven southern states seceded (in part to preserve the odious institution of slavery), congressional Republicans rushed to enact a prohibitive tariff bill even before Lincoln took office. A New York Times editorial on February 14, 1861, warned that boosting the tariffs as high as 216 percent could drive the border states out of the Union: “One of the strongest arguments the [seceded states] could address to [border states] would be furnished by a highly protective tariff on the part of our Government, toward which they cherish the deepest aversion.” The Times condemned the bill as a “disastrous measure” that “alienates extensive sections of the country we seek to retain” and will “deal a deadly blow … at the measures now in progress to heal our political differences.” But Republicans were determined to effectively blockade American ports to foreign goods, and more states seceded after the onerous tariff law was passed. The insights in Taylor’s Tyranny Unmasked extend far beyond political economy. Taylor loathed tariffs because he recognized them as a vast expansion of government power and political prerogatives. “Tyranny in form is the first step towards tyranny in substance,” he warned. And he wisely noted, “In defining a tyrant, it is not necessary to prove that he is a cannibal.” Instead, “Ambition and avarice are the passions which produce civilized tyranny.” Taylor recognized how the rising rhetoric of democracy could result in vastly swelling the size of the federal government. His axiom, “Self-government is flattered to destroy self-government” should have been carved above the entrance to the White House. Taylor also impaled another political fraud that became far more common in the following century: “Freedom is not constituted solely of having a government of our own. Under this idea most nations would be free.” Taylor was also far ahead of his time in his derision for how American politics had defaulted in a two-party system where rascals took turns plundering the public: Nations are always enslaved by the ingenuity of creating a blind confidence with party prejudices. A reigning party never censures itself, and the people have been tutored to vote under two senseless standards, gaudily painted over with the two words “Federalist and Republican,” repeated, and repeated, without having any meaning, or conveying any information. One party passed the alien and sedition laws; the other, the bank and lottery laws; and both, many other laws, theoretically unconstitutional, and practically oppressive; but neither has overturned unconstitutional precedents, though they have often charged each other with creating them. Taylor’s moral reasoning on entitlements was far superior to what has prevailed in America since the New Deal: “Though legislatures have no moral or constitutional right to give one man’s property to another; yet that by combining the property of all men under the appellation ‘public,’ they acquire both a moral and constitutional right to give the property of all men, to one man.” He warned that “a free government cannot subsist in union with extravagance, heavy taxation, exclusive privileges, or with any established process by which a great amount of property is annually transferred to unproductive employments.” Taylor was especially appalled at how the Supreme Court in the early 1800s expanded sovereign immunity like a toxic legal cloud. He warned in Tyranny Unmasked, “There are no rights where there are no remedies, or where the remedies depend upon the will of the aggressor.” Taylor recognized that “sovereignty” was just a Pandora’s box that could unleash endless oppression. He observed that the Constitution “wisely rejected this indefinite word [sovereignty] as a traitor of civil rights, and endeavored to kill it dead by specifications and restrictions of power, that it might never again be used in political disquisitions.” Taylor was contemptuous of Washington long before it was cool. In his 1820 book, The Constitution Construed, he warned, “The claim of governments to be considered as the apostles of knowledge, is precisely the same with their claim to religious apostolick power, and experience has sufficiently proved, that both powers beget oppression.” Rather than recognizing this fundamental truth, legions of pundits and intellectuals have bought into the notion that we are ruled by “the best and the brightest.” As one critic recently commented, Washington is full of people who think they are the smartest person in the room. Regardless of how often the federal government ravages America or the world, Washingtonians continue strutting as saviors. Taylor’s disillusionment resonates in words that Americans can bitterly appreciate today. He declared that the United States had been “entrusted” with a “commission to overturn political idolatry” that had vexed humanity throughout recorded history. He saw the fate of Americans as answering once and for all “whether human nature is able to maintain a fair, free, mild, and cheap government.” But his countrymen were “surrendering their [liberty] to political frauds.” In the 200 years since the publication of Tyranny Unmasked, the names of some of the political frauds have changed but the surrendering continues. This article was originally published in the February 2021 edition of Future of Freedom. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------