2022년 2월 25일 금요일
푸틴이 여러 이유를 대고 있지만, 러시아의 전쟁은 무고한 사람들의 피를 부르는 잔인하고 야만적인 행위이다.
지금은 공포에 떨고 있는 우크라이나 인들을 위해 기도해야할 때이다.
푸틴은 인류에 대해 큰 죄를 짓고 있다.
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부산일보
[속보] 文 대통령 "원전이 향후 60년 주력 전원… 충분히 활용해야"
jsk1****
전라도에 사는 민주당 지지자입니다. 4월부터해서 전기세 인상과 각종 세금인상, 물값상승 등 지금까지 없었던 역대 물가상승이 기다리고 있다는데 사실인가요? 그와중에 이재명은 추경 계속 해야된다고 하는데 말이 되나요? 추가적으로 우덜의소리,우덜공감, (문찐따 지지율) 삼프로 등 아무리 친여방송이라지만 이러한 현실 관련해서 아무말 없다는게 너무 충격이네요. 지지철회하고 윤석열 찍습니다. 수고하세요.
vdva****
울진 출신인데 재앙이 네 덕에 울진인구 5만3천에서 4만8천으로 줄었고 지역경제 파탄났어 가뜩이나 동해안구석에 어려운 동넨데 5년 내내 개발못하게 지롤병을하다가 이제와서 허용한다고? 이재명이 안될것같으니까 쫄려서 별 개짓을 다하는구나대통령이 저번에 군산연설도그렇고 자꾸 선거개입하는데 임기끝나고 어케 되나 보자
pak4****
본인스스로실패한정권이란걸인정
plmq****
....?? 혹시 치매 이신가요??
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문재앙 임기초 탈원전선언하고 뭐했는지 보고가라ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ
대음순
http://www.ilbe.com/view/11397523084
여름에 씨발 에어컨 존나 쓰니까 전기는 딸려
탈원전은 선언했어
에라 모르겠다 씨발 그냥 몰래 유류발전기돌렼ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ
개또라이새끼임ㅋㅋㅋㅋ유류발전기 존나비싸고 미세먼지 심해서
전쟁같은 긴급한상황에서만 사용하는걸 풀가동해서 세금까먹고
미세먼지때문에 한치앞길이 안보이는 상황이었음ㅋㅋㅋ
그래놓고 중국에서 온 미세먼지라면서
서민들 당분간 대중교통타라함ㅋㅋㅋ그건 또 박원순한테 떠 넘겨서
박원순이 서울전체 대중교통 1주일이었나 무상으로 운행함ㅋㅋㅋ
아마 너네도 기억할거임 한동안 대중교통 무료였던거ㅋㅋ
그 이유가 이거때문임 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ병신 모지리새끼
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(혈압주의) 전기·가스부터 철도까지…공공요금 줄줄이 오른다
박가네
http://www.ilbe.com/view/11397523955
전기요금 4월, 10월 두번 인상
가스요금 5월, 7월, 10월 세번 인상
고속도로 통행료, 철도요금, 상하수도 요금도 2분기 이후 인상
문재앙 자기 임기 이후로 미루는 꼼수 보소
https://n.news.naver.com/article/015/0004667719
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[단독] '5600억 무이자 대출' 대장동 사업계획서는 허위였다
소고기도둑년
http://www.ilbe.com/view/11397515348
https://n.news.naver.com/article/469/0000649776?cds=news_my
하나은행이 기업은행이랑 같이 대장동 입찰 경쟁 붙었을때
이재명 & 화천대유 사기꾼들이랑 짜고 금리 사기쳐서
같이헤쳐먹은거네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ
개같은 새끼들
어쩐지 성남의뜰에 지분율 14% 인 새끼들이
6%인 화천대유에서 대장동 이익 모조리 쓸어가도 입 쳐다물고 있더라니
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연예부장 김용호
대장동 비밀을 풀고 이재명을 감옥에 보낼 판도라의 상자를 찾았습니다.
정민용이 이재명 선거법위반 재판때 증거인멸을 위해 숨겨뒀던 자료입니다.
저희가 어떻게 찾았을까요? 정말 하늘이 도왔습니다. 또 이 자료가 의미하는 것은 뭘까요? 진짜 판 커집니다.
[대장동비긴즈] 드디어 결말으로 갑니다. 일요일 방송 기대해주세요.
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머니투데이
사람이 죽기 직전 30초, 뇌에서 하는 일 밝혀냈다
뇌전증 환자 치료 위해 뇌파 검사 도중환자, 심장마비로 임종 직전 뇌활동 기록"기억 회상하거나 꿈꾸는 뇌파 패턴 확인""죽음 가까워지는 순간 마지막 기억 재생"
브레메인시브/ 일베 댓글
어렴풋이 죽다 산 친구놈한테 들은거 같은데....
죽음이 시작되면 뇌에서 여태껏 살아오면서 행복했던일,그리웠던일,고마웠던일,슬펏던일, 그리고 마음속에 항상 생각해왔던일이
파노라마처럼 지나간다고 함..... 아주빨리 지나가지만 꿈처럼 느껴지며 그냥 그대로 잠드는거임. 다음날이 없이 그냥 계속 잠드는거임...
그리고 죽을때 뇌에서는 세로토닌,도파민, 그리고 고통을 줄여주는 온갖 호르몬이 분비되면서 마지막엔 고통이 없이 편안하게 간다고 함.
어릴때 친구들이랑 홍천강에 갔다가 물에 빠져 거의 다죽은걸 마지막에 거기 현지인이 배타고 가다가 구한적이 있는데
이새키 하는말이 그랫음. 처음엔 물을 너무많이 먹고 숨도 안쉬어지고 고통스러웠는데 마지막에 온몸에 힘이 빠지 아주 편하고 행복했다고 함
---->마지막 깨달음의 순간을 주는 것인가?
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코로나 드디어 끝난듯.큰일났다
어쩌면좋냐
http://www.ilbe.com/view/11397474234
(서울=연합뉴스) 최인영 신선미 기자 = 다음달부터 확진자의 동거가족 등 동거인은 자가격리를 하지 않아도 되고, PCR(유전자증폭) 검사 역시 의무적으로 받지 않아도 된다.
지금은 백신 접종 완료자만 격리 대상에서 제외됐고 미접종자는 7일간 격리해야 했지만, 다음달부터는 접종 여부와 상관없이 격리 여부를 '스스로 알아서' 결정하면 된다.
요약
1 격리도 자기맘대로
2 치료도 자기맘대로
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중앙일보
Opinion :
배훈천이 고발한다
혁명의 시간 왔다···복합몰이 일깨워준 광주의 진짜 목소리
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[김광일쇼] 대장동 일당 "대장동 사업은 4000억짜리 도둑질, 완벽하게 하자"… 검찰, 녹취 확보
https://youtu.be/NJsk7woiujA
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사유재산과 국유화에 관한 히틀러의 견해
Hitler's Views on Private Property and Nationalization
Rainer Zitelmann
A myth endures that Hitler supported private property and that a Nazi-capitalist alliance existed. In reality, the "capitalism" that existed under National Socialism had nothing to do with private property.
히틀러가 사유재산을 지지했고, 나치와 자본가의 연합이 존재했다는 거짓말이 지속되고 있다. 하지만 현실에서 히틀러의 국가 사회주의 체제하에서 존재했던 자본주의는 사유재산과 아무 관련이 없다.
The answer to the question of Adolf Hitler’s position on private ownership and nationalization appears to be fairly simple. It is generally accepted that Hitler recognized private ownership of the means of production and rejected nationalization. To leave it at that, as is generally done, would mean being superficial because this statement is far too undifferentiated and leaves too many questions unanswered. In my book Hitler’s National Socialism I analyze the dictator’s economic and sociopolitical thinking.
Pollock: “Destruction of All the Essential Traits of Private Ownership”
In an article on the economic system of National Socialism published in 1941, the economist and sociologist Friedrich Pollock (a cofounder of the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt, which later became the nucleus of the Frankfurt school) pointed out the following:
I agree that the legal institution of private ownership was maintained, and that many attributes characteristic for National Socialism begin to manifest themselves, albeit still vaguely, in non-totalitarian countries. But does this mean that the function of private ownership did not change? Is the “increase of power of a few groups” really the most important result of the change which took place? I believe it reaches far more deeply and should be described as the destruction of all the essential traits of private ownership, saving one exception. Even the mightiest concerns were denied the right to set up new fields of business in areas where the highest profits were to be expected, or to interrupt a production where it became unprofitable. These rights were transferred in their entirety to the ruling groups. The compromise between the groups in power initially determined the extent and direction of the production process. Faced with such a decision, the title of ownership is powerless, even if it is derived from the possession of the overwhelming majority of the share capital, let alone when it only owns a minority.
As we know, Hitler’s method rarely consisted of simply radically removing an institution or organization but rather of continuing to erode its inner substance until there was virtually nothing left of its original function or original content. For the sake of the analogy only, we should note that the constitution of Weimar was never repealed either but that its substance and intention were eroded little by little and thereby abolished in practice.
In his early speeches Hitler advocated the nationalization of land but in principle still came out in favor of private ownership. As becomes clear from Otto Wagener’s notes, Hitler’s skeptical position on nationalization had to do with his socio-Darwinist convictions. Otto Wagener, who from early January 1931 until June 1932 headed the Economic Policy Department of the NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, or National Socialist German Workers’ Party) and was Hitler’s economic policy advisor, reports that Hitler had stated in 1930:
As far as this goes, the whole concept of nationalization in the form in which it has been attempted and demanded so far appears to me to be wrong, and I come to the same conclusion as Herr Wagener. We have to bring a process of selection into the matter in some way, if we want to come to a natural, healthy and also satisfying solution of the problem, a process of selection for those who should be entitled—and be at all permitted—to have a claim and the right to property and the ownership of companies.
On the other hand, Hitler frequently and emphatically stated that the disposal of his property was in no way the private affair of the industrialist. On October 9, 1934, for example, he declared:
Therefore wealth in particular does not only have greater possibilities for enjoyment, but above all greater obligations. The view that the utilization of a fortune no matter of what size is solely the private affair of the individual requires to be corrected all the more in the National Socialist state, because without the contribution of the community no individual would have been able to enjoy such an advantage.
For Hitler the formal maintenance of private ownership was not important. When the state has the unrestricted right to determine the decisions of the owners of the means of production, then the formal legal institution of private ownership no longer means very much. This is what Pollock is saying when he establishes a “destruction of all of the essential traits of private ownership” with one exception. The moment the owners of the means of production can no longer freely decide the content, timing, and size of their investments, the essential characteristics of private ownership have been abolished, even if the formal guarantee of private ownership still remains.
In his table talks on September 3, 1942, Hitler said that land was “national property, and in the end only given to the individual as a loan.” Hitler only recognizes private ownership insofar as it is used according to the principle “common benefit ahead of private benefit,” which means, concretely, insofar as land is used within the framework of the objectives set by the state. For Hitler the principle of “common benefit ahead of private benefit” means that if it is necessary in the common interest, the state has the right at all times to decide the way, the extent to which, and when private ownership is used, and the common interest is, of course, defined by the state.
In May 1937 Hitler declared:
I tell German industry for example, “You have to produce such and such now.” I then return to this in the Four-Year Plan. If German industry were to answer me, “We are not able to”, then I would say to it, “Fine, then I will take that over myself, but it must be done.” But if industry tells me, “We will do that”, then I am very glad that I do not need to take that on.
That such statements by Hitler were not empty threats became clear to the industrialists no later than on July 23, 1937, when Hermann Göring announced the formation of the “AG for Ore Mining and Iron Smelting Hermann Göring.” The development which had begun with Hitler’s and Göring’s repeated threats finally led to the creation of the Reichswerke Hermann Göring, which by 1940 employed six hundred thousand people. The plant in Salzgitter finally became the largest in Europe. With this, the National Socialist state had shown that its oft-proclaimed “primacy of politics” was deadly serious, and that it would not hesitate to become active itself and to build up state-controlled enterprises in areas where private industry resisted the execution of state directives. During a conversation on February 14, 1942, with Joseph Goebbels about the problem of increasing production, Hitler said: “[H]ere we have to proceed rigorously, that the whole production process has to be re-examined, and that the industrialists who do not want to submit to the directives we issue, will have to lose their plants without any regard to whether they will then be ruined economically.”
Hitler’s Role Model: Stalin and His Planned Economy
The National Socialists intended to expand the planned economy for the period after the war, as we know from many of Hitler’s remarks. He increasingly admired the Soviet economic system. “If Stalin had continued to work for another ten to fifteen years,” Hitler said at a small group meeting in August 1942,
Soviet Russia would have become the most powerful nation on earth, 150, 200, 300 years may go by, that is such a unique phenomenon! That the general standard of living rose, there can be no doubt. The people did not suffer from hunger. Taking everything together we have to say: They built factories here where two years ago there was nothing but forgotten villages, factories which are as big as the Hermann Göring Works.
On another occasion, also to his inner circle, he said that Stalin was a “genius” for whom one must have “unqualified respect,” especially given his comprehensive economic planning. There was no doubt in his mind, Hitler added, that in Soviet Russia, unlike in capitalist countries such as the United States, there has never been any unemployment.
On several occasions, the dictator mentioned to his closest associates that it was necessary to nationalize the large joint-stock companies, the energy industry, and all other branches of the economy that produced “essential raw materials” (e.g., the iron industry). Of course, the war was not the right environment to implement such radical nationalizations. Hitler and the National Socialists were well aware of this, and in any case, they had been making every effort to allay the nationalization fears of the country’s business community. Thus, a memo from SS chief Heinrich Himmler in October 1942 states that “during the war” a fundamental change of Germany’s capitalistic economy would not be possible. Anyone who “fought” against this would provoke a “witch-hunt” against himself. In a report prepared by an SS Hauptsturmführer in July 1944, the question “Why does the SS engage in business activities?” was answered as follows:
This question was raised specifically by circles who think purely in terms of capitalism and who do not like to see companies developing which are public, or at least of a public character. The age of the liberal system of business demanded the primacy of business, in other words business comes first, and then the state. As opposed to this, National Socialism takes the position: the state directs the economy, the state is not there for business, business is there for the state.
Mises: “Socialism with the Outward Appearance of Capitalism”
This was how Hitler and the National Socialists saw the very essence of the economic system they had established, but it was also how astute observers such as the economist Ludwig von Mises saw it. Incidentally, he came to the same conclusion as the left-wing economist Friedrich Pollock, quoted at the beginning of this article. On June 18, 1942, Mises wrote a letter to the editor of the New York Times. More clearly than many of his contemporaries and, above all, more clearly than many authors writing about National Socialism today, he recognized that
The German pattern of socialism (Zwangswirtschaft) is characterized by the fact that it maintains, although only nominally, some institutions of capitalism. Labor is, of course, no longer a “commodity”; the labor market has been solemnly abolished; the government fixes wage rates and assigns every worker the place where he must work. Private ownership has been nominally untouched. In fact, however, the former entrepreneurs have been reduced to the status of shop managers (Betriebsführer). The government tells them what and how to produce, at what prices and from whom to buy, at what prices and to whom to sell. Business may remonstrate against inexpedient injunctions, but the final decision rests with the authorities…. Market exchange and entrepreneurship are thus only a sham. The government, not the consumers’ demands, directs production; the government, not the market, fixes every individual’s income and expenditure. This is socialism with the outward appearance of capitalism—all-round planning and total control of all economic activities by the government. Some of the labels of capitalistic market economy are retained, but they signify something entirely different from what they mean in a genuine market economy.
As we know from Hitler’s statements, once the war ended, he wanted to push the development toward a state command economy even further. In his monologues to his inner circle (known as “table talks”) on July 27–28, 1941 Hitler said that “A sensible employment of the powers of a nation can only be achieved with a planned economy from above.” About two weeks later, he said: “As far as the planning of the economy is concerned, we are still very much at the beginning and I imagine it will be something wonderfully nice to build up an encompassing German and European economic order.”
Rainer Zitelmann is a historian and the author of the recently published book Hitler’s National Socialism.
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