[단독]백선엽 장군의 수의는 ‘6·25 당시 전투복’
최고의 수의복이다.
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홍준표 : 무소속 당선 ...:계속 대권후보 1위
김무성 : 50여명 뺏지 출신 거느리고 킹메이커
김성태 미통당.요직... 중앙위원회 의장 임명
권성동 무소속당선 4선 중진 확보
유승민 : 대선출마예정.. 심복들 미통당내 요직 확보
한사람도
빠지는사람이 없다,,, 모두 우파 정치권 핵심이 되었다
5적의 완벽한 승리네.,, / 일베
김무성 : 50여명 뺏지 출신 거느리고 킹메이커
김성태 미통당.요직... 중앙위원회 의장 임명
권성동 무소속당선 4선 중진 확보
유승민 : 대선출마예정.. 심복들 미통당내 요직 확보
한사람도
빠지는사람이 없다,,, 모두 우파 정치권 핵심이 되었다
5적의 완벽한 승리네.,, / 일베
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트럼프, 2013년 체결 미중 회계협정 곧 파기선언할 듯
뉴시스
--->디커플링의 가속화
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bully짓 그만두라. 미국은 이해관계국 바다를 수호할 것이라고 선언
2. 이에 중국은 주미중국대사를 통해 미국 주장은 터무니없다,
남중국해 국가들 간의 평화를 깨려는 수작 그만두라고 반박 / 일베
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바로 그해 역사가 바뀌었다. 5.1 지진에 경악하는 이유
1976년 당산 대지진이 발생한 후에, 모택동이 죽고 10년의 문화혁명 광풍이 끝났다. 이번 당산 지진도 새로운 정권의 출현을 예고하는 것인가?
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노캇
저거 무자비한 세무조사 , 세금징수등으로 아주 국민들 피를짜서 만든 돈으로 저지랄하는거임 엣날같으면 조사할필요도없는 기준만들어서 아주 고혈을 짜고잇는중임 문정부 시벌놈들 주위에 사업하는 친구 지인들 아주 경기도씹창이고 코로나때문에 언제문닫을줄모르는데 게쉬타포식으로 세무조사로 존나게 힘들어함 주위에 / 일베 댓글
------->정부는 일자리를 만들 수 없다는 것이 경제학의 통설인데, 저렇게 돈을 퍼부어 일시적이고 불요불급한 일자리를 만들어 무엇하겠다는 거지.
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정말 더러운 인간들 많다!
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정치방역, 이대로 좋은가? 이동욱 경기도의사협회 회장
[공병호TV]
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We keep thinking that whether or not there's a Cold War 2 OUR choice. But in fact, it's mostly China's choice. And China seems to want Cold War 2. --- 닐 퍼거슨
제2의 냉전은 중국의 선택에 의해 좌우된다. 그런데 중국은 제2의 냉전을 원하는 듯 하다.
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zeynep tufekci
Enough with the beach-scolding! It's not scientifically-sound and it's counterproductive. It's a virus—not a moral agent geared to smite people who dare enjoy themselves. Six months in, we *know* most risk is indoors. More knowledge, less baseless outrage.
해변의 물놀이보다는 실내가 바이러스 전파에 더 위험하다.
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케인즈 대 세이
케인즈의 가장 큰 업적은 세이의 이론을 반박한 것이라고 하지만, 세이의 이론이 옳다면 그의 경제학은 모래성이 되고 만다.
경기가 안 좋을 때면 상인들은 일반적으로 2가지 해석을 내놓았다.
하나는 통화가 부족하기 때문이라고 보았고, 다른 하나는 전반적인 과잉 생산 때문이라고 주장했다. 하지만 아담 스미스는 <국부론>에서 첫 번째 주장을 격파했고, 세이는 2번째 주장을 반박했다.
공급은 스스로 수요를 창조한다는 세이의 법칙은, 사실은 단순히 모든 상품과 서비스의 전반적인 과잉 생산 가능성을 부정하는 것이었다.
만일 고전 경제학자에게 케인즈의 주장대로, 만일 상품의 가격이 내려가는 상황에서 노조의 완고함과 법률의 보호로 임금이 내려가지 않거나 상승할 때, 어떤 일이 일어날 것이지 묻는다면, 그들은 노조가 만든 상품이 팔리지 않게 되어서, 실업이 증가할 거라고 대답할 것이다. 그리고 이 대답은 모든 가치 주관주의 경제학자(즉 자유주의 경제학자)들의 대답과도 같다.
Keynes vs. Say
Henry Hazlitt
Keynes's "greatest achievement," according to his admirers, was his famous "refutation" of Say's law of markets. All that it is necessary to say about this "refutation" has already been said by Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr., and Ludwig von Mises. Keynes himself takes the matter so cavalierly that all he requires to "refute" Say's law to his own satisfaction is less than four pages.
Yet some of his admirers regard this as alone securing his title to fame:
Historians fifty years from now may record that Keynes' greatest achievement was the liberation of Anglo-American economics from a tyrannical dogma, and they may even conclude that this was essentially a work of negation unmatched by comparable positive achievements. Even, however, if Keynes were to receive credit for nothing else…his title to fame would be secure…[Yet] the Keynesian attacks, though they appear to be directed against a variety of specific theories, all fall to the ground if the validity of Say's Law is assumed.
It is important to realize, to begin with, as Mises has pointed out, that what is called Say's law was not originally designed as an integral part of classical economics but as a preliminary—as a refutation of a fallacy that long preceded the development of economics as a recognized special branch of knowledge. Whenever business was bad, the average merchant had two explanations at hand: the evil was caused by a scarcity of money and by general overproduction. Adam Smith, in a famous passage in The Wealth of Nations, exploded the first of these myths. Say devoted himself to a refutation of the second.
For a modern statement of Say's law, I turn to B.M. Anderson:
The central theoretical issue involved in the problem of postwar economic adjustment, and in the problem of full employment in the postwar period, is the issue between the equilibrium doctrine and the purchasing power doctrine.
Those who advocate vast governmental expenditures and deficit financing after the war as the only means of getting full employment, separate production and purchasing power sharply. Purchasing power must be kept above production if production is to expand, in their view. If purchasing power falls off, production will fall off.
The prevailing view among economists, on the other hand, has long been that purchasing power grows out of production. The great producing countries are the great consuming countries. The twentieth-century world consumes vastly more than the eighteenth-century world because it produces vastly more. Supply of wheat gives rise to demand for automobiles, silks, shoes, cotton goods, and other things that the wheat producer wants. Supply of shoes gives rise to demand for wheat, for silks, for automobiles, and for other things that the shoe producer wants. Supply and demand in the aggregate are thus not merely equal, but they are identical, since every commodity may be looked upon either as supply of its own kind or as demand for other things. But this doctrine is subject to the great qualification that the proportions must be right; that there must be equilibrium.
Keynes's "refutation" of Say's law consists in simply ignoring this qualification.
He takes as his first target a passage from John Stuart Mill:
What constitutes the means of payment for commodities is simply commodities. Each person's means of paying for the production of other people consist of those which he himself possesses. All sellers are inevitably, and by the meaning of the word, buyers. Could we suddenly double the productive powers of the country, we should double the supply of commodities in every market; but we should, by the same stroke, double the purchasing power. Everybody would bring a double demand as well as supply; everybody would be able to buy twice as much, because every one would have twice as much to offer in exchange.
By itself, this passage from Mill, as B.M. Anderson has pointed out, does not present the essentials of the modern version of Say's law:
If we doubled the productive power of the country, we should not double the supply of commodities in every market, and if we did, we should not clear the markets of the double supply in every market. If we doubled the supply in the salt market, for example, we should have an appalling glut of salt. The great increases would come in the items where demand is elastic. We should change very radically the proportions in which we produced commodities.
But as Anderson goes on to point out, it is unfair to Mill to take this brief passage out of its context and present it as if it were the heart of Say's law. If Keynes had quoted only the three sentences immediately following, he would have introduced us to the conception of balance and proportion and equilibrium which is the heart of the doctrine—a conception which Keynes nowhere considers in his General Theory.
Mill's next few lines, immediately following the passage torn from its context, quoted above, are as follows:
It is probable, indeed, that there would now be a superfluity of certain things. Although the community would willingly double its aggregate consumption, it may already have as much as it desires of some commodities, and it may prefer to do more than double its consumption of others, or to exercise its increased purchasing power on some new thing. If so, the supply will adapt itself accordingly, and the values of things will continue to conform to their cost of production.
The doctrine that supply creates its own demand, in other words, is based on the assumption that a proper equilibrium exists among the different kinds of production, and among prices of different products and services. And it of course assumes proper relationships between prices and costs, between prices and wage-rates. It assumes the existence of competition and free and fluid markets by which these proportions, price relations, and other equilibria will be brought about.
No important economist, to my knowledge, ever made the absurd assumption (of which Keynes by implication accuses the whole classical school) that thanks to Say's law depressions and unemployment were impossible, and that everything produced would automatically find a ready market at a profitable price. Say's law, to repeat, was, contrary to the assertions of the Keynesians, not the cornerstone on which the great edifice of the positive doctrines of the classical economists was based. It was itself merely a refutation of an absurd belief prevailing prior to its formulation.
To resume the quotation from Mill:
At any rate, it is a sheer absurdity that all things should fall in value, and that all producers should, in consequence, be insufficiently remunerated. If values remain the same, what becomes of prices is immaterial, since the remuneration of producers does not depend on how much money, but on how much of consumable articles, they obtain for their goods. Besides, money is a commodity; and if all commodities are supposed to be doubled in quantity, we must suppose money to be doubled too, and then prices would no more fall than values would.
In sum, Say's law was merely the denial of the possibility of a general overproduction of all goods and services.
If you had presented the classical economists with "the Keynesian case"—if you had asked them, in other words, what they thought would happen in the event of a fall in the price of commodities, if money wage-rates, as a result of union monopoly protected and insured by law, remained rigid or rising—they would have undoubtedly replied that sufficient markets could not be found for goods produced at such economically unjustified costs of production and that great and prolonged unemployment would result. Certainly this is what any modern subjective-value theorist would reply.
Ricardo's Statement
We might rest the case here. But such a hullabaloo has been raised about Keynes's alleged "refutation" of Say's law that it seems desirable to pursue the subject further. One writer has distinguished "the four essential meanings of Say's law, as developed by Say and, more fully, by [James] Mill and Ricardo." It may be profitable to take her formulation as a basis of discussion. The four meanings as she phrases them are:
(1) Supply creates its own demand; hence, aggregate overproduction or a "general glut" is impossible.
(2) Since goods exchange against goods, money is but a "veil" and plays no independent role.
(3) In the case of partial overproduction, which necessarily implies a balancing underproduction elsewhere, equilibrium is restored by competition, that is, by the price mechanism and the mobility of capital.
(4) Because aggregate demand and supply are necessarily equal, and because of the equilibrating mechanism, output can be increased indefinitely and the accumulation of capital proceed without limit.
I shall contend that of these four versions, 1, 3, and 4 are correct, properly interpreted and understood; that only version 2 is false as stated, and that even this is capable of being stated in a form that is correct.
Now Ricardo clearly stated the doctrine in versions 1, 3, and 4; and though he implied it also in version 2, his statement even of this can be interpreted in a sense that would be correct:
M. Say has…most satisfactorily shown that there is no amount of capital which may not be employed in a country, because a demand is only limited by production. No man produces but with a view to consume or sell, and he never sells but with an intention to purchase some other commodity, which may be immediately useful to him, or which may contribute to future production. By producing, then, he necessarily becomes either the consumer of his own goods, or the purchaser and consumer of the goods of some other person. It is not to be supposed that he should, for any length of time, be ill-informed of the commodities which he can most advantageously produce, to attain the object which he has in view, namely, the possession of other goods; and, therefore, it is not probable that he will continually produce a commodity for which there is no demand.
There cannot, then, be accumulated in a country any amount of capital which cannot be employed productively until wages rise so high in consequence of the rise of necessaries, and so little consequently remains for the profits of stock, that the motive for accumulation ceases. While the profits of stock are high, men will have a motive to accumulate. Whilst a man has any wished-for gratification unsupplied, he will have a demand for more commodities; and it will be an effectual demand while he has any new value to offer in exchange for them….
Productions are always bought by productions, or by services; money is only the medium by which the exchange is effected. Too much of a particular commodity may be produced, of which there may be such a glut in the market as not to repay the capital expended on it; but this cannot be the case with respect to all commodities.
The italics above are my own, intended to bring out the fact that Ricardo by no means denied the possibility of gluts, but merely of their indefinite prolongation. In his Notes on Malthus, in fact, Ricardo wrote: "Mistakes may be made, and commodities not suited to the demand may be produced—of these there may be a glut; they may not sell at their usual price; but then this is owing to the mistake, and not to the want of demand for productions."
The whole of Ricardo's comment on this phase of Malthus's thought will repay study. "I have been thus particular in examining this question [Say's law]," wrote Ricardo, "as it forms by far the most important topic of discussion in Mr. Malthus' work"—i.e., Malthus's Principles of Political Economy.
It was Malthus who, in 1820, more than a century before Keynes, set himself to "refuting" Say's law. Ricardo's answer (most of which was not discovered or available until recent years) is devastating. If it had been earlier available in full, it would have buried Malthus's fallacious "refutation" forever. Even as it was, it prevented its exhumation until Keynes's time.
Ricardo's answer was, it is true, weak or incomplete at certain points. Thus he did not address himself to the problem of what happens in a crisis of confidence, when for a time even the commodities that are relatively underproduced may not sell at existing price levels, because consumers, even though they have the purchasing power and the desire to buy those commodities, do not trust existing prices and expect them to go still lower. But the basic truth of Say's law (and Say's law was only intended as a basic or ultimate truth) is not invalidated but merely concealed by a temporary abnormal situation of this kind. This situation is possible only in those periods when a substantial number of consumers and businessmen remain unconvinced that "bottom" has been reached in wages and prices, or feel that their job or solvency may still be in danger. And this is likely to happen precisely when wage-rates are artificially forced or held above the equilibrium level of marginal labor productivity.
Again, it is true that Ricardo declares at one point (already quoted) that "Money is only the medium by which the exchange is effected." If this is interpreted to mean, as Bernice Shoul interprets it, that money "plays no independent role," then of course it is not true. But if it is interpreted to mean: "If we, for the moment, abstract from money, we can see that in the ultimate analysis goods exchange against goods," then it is both true and methodologically valid.
Having recognized this truth, of course, we must in the solution of any dynamic problem put money back into our equation or "model" and recognize that in the modern world the exchange of goods is practically always through the medium of money, and that the interrelationship of goods and money-prices must be right for Say's law to be valid. But this is merely to return to the qualification of correct price relationships and equilibrium that has always been implicit in the statement of Say's law by the leading classical economists.
The Answer of Haberler
Before leaving this subject it may be important to address ourselves to some of the confusions about it, not of Keynes himself, but of the "post-Keynesians." Prof. Gottfried Haberler has been by no means uncritical of Keynes, but his discussion of Keynes's discussion of Say's law is peculiar. He presents part of the quotation I have already presented from Ricardo (on pp. 37–38) but does so in truncated form, and ends with the sentence: "Money is only the medium by which the exchange is effected." He then declares: "The meaning of this original formulation of this law seems to me quite clear: It states that income received is always spent on consumption or investment; in other words, money is never hoarded."
Now the meaning of Ricardo's formulation of Say's law is already quite clear, particularly when it is given in full. It does not require any exegesis by Haberler or anyone else, and certainly no paraphrase that quite changes its meaning. Not only did Ricardo never explicitly assert the proposition that Haberler attributes to him; there is every reason to suppose that he would have repudiated it. At several points he actually describes what we today might call money hoarding and its effects. At many points in his Notes on Malthus he writes, regarding some view that Malthus attributes to him: "Where did I ever say this?" We may be confident that he would have written the same regarding this Haberler "interpretation."
Our conclusion, thus [Haberler goes on] is that there is no place and no need for Say's Law in modern economic theory and that it has been completely abandoned by neo-classical economists in their actual theoretical and practical work on money and the business cycle….Summing up, we may say that there was no need for Keynes to rid neo-classical economics of Say's Law in the original, straightforward sense, for it had been completely abandoned long ago.
The short answer to this is that there is still need and place to assert Say's law whenever anybody is foolish enough to deny it. It is itself, to repeat, essentially a negative rather than a positive proposition. It is essentially a rejection of a fallacy. It states that a general overproduction of all commodities is not possible. And that is all, basically, that it is intended to assert.
Haberler is right insofar as he denies the belief of Keynes (and such disciples as Sweezy) that Say's law "still underlies the whole classical theory, which would collapse without it" (General Theory, p. 19). It is true that Say's law is not explicitly needed in the solution of specific economic problems if its truth is tacitly taken for granted. Mathematicians seldom stop to assert that two and two do not make five. They do not explicitly build elaborate solutions of complicated problems upon this negative truth. But when someone asserts that two and two make five, or that an existing depression is the result of a general overproduction of everything, it is necessary to remind him of the error.
There is still another line of attack on Say's law, which Haberler among others seems to adopt, and this is to assert that in the sense in which Say's law is true it is "mere tautology." If it is tautological, it is so in the same sense in which basic logical and mathematical propositions are tautological: "Things that are equal to the same thing are equal to each other." One does not need to say this as long as one does not forget it.
To sum up, Keynes's "refutation" of Say's law, even if it had been successful, would not have been original: it does not go an inch beyond Malthus's attempted refutation more than a century before him. Keynes "refuted" Say's law only in a sense in which no important economist ever held it.
To Save Is to Spend
Risking the accusation of beating a dead horse, I should like to address myself to one more effort by Keynes to disprove Say's law, or what he calls "a corollary of the same doctrine" (p. 19). "It has been supposed," he writes, "that any individual act of abstaining from consumption necessarily leads to, and amounts to the same thing as, causing the labor and commodities thus released from supplying consumption to be invested in the production of capital wealth" (p. 19). And he quotes the following passage from Alfred Marshall's Pure Theory of Domestic Values (p. 34) in illustration:
The whole of a man's income is expended in the purchase of services and of commodities. It is indeed commonly said that a man spends some portion of his income and saves another. But it is a familiar economic axiom that a man purchases labor and commodities with that portion of his income which he saves just as much as he does with that he is said to spend. He is said to spend when he seeks to obtain present enjoyment from the services and commodities which he purchases. He is said to save when he causes the labor and the commodities which he purchases to be devoted to the production of wealth from which he expects to derive the means of enjoyment in the future.
This doctrine, of course, goes much further back than Marshall. Keynes could have quoted his bête noir, Ricardo, to the same effect. "Mr. Malthus," wrote Ricardo, "never appears to remember that to save is to spend, as surely as what he exclusively calls spending." Ricardo went much further than this, and in answering Malthus answered one of Keynes's chief contentions in advance: "I deny that the wants of consumers generally are diminished by parsimony—they are transferred with the power to consume to another set of consumers."
And on still another occasion Ricardo wrote directly to Malthus:
We agree too that effectual demand consists of two elements, the power and the will to purchase; but I think the will is very seldom wanting where the power exists, for the desire of accumulation [i.e., saving] will occasion demand just as effectually as a desire to consume; it will only change the objects on which the demand will exercise itself.
For the present, however, it may be sufficient merely to note Keynes's contention on this point rather than to try to analyze it in full. There will be plenty of opportunity for that later. As we shall see, Keynes himself alternates constantly between two mutually contradictory contentions: (1) that saving and investment are "necessarily equal," and "merely different aspects of the same thing" (p. 74), and (2) that saving and investment are "two essentially different activities" without even a "nexus" (p. 21), so that saving not only can exceed investment but chronically tends to do so. The second is the view which he chooses to support at this point. We shall have occasion to analyze both views later. For the present it is sufficient merely to note the presence of this deep-seated contradiction in Keynes's thought.
[This article is excerpted from Failure of the New Economics (1959).]
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황황: 반하후박탕 사용시 주의사항
黃煌：關於半夏厚朴湯，有些問題值得注意
組成用法
半夏10~20g、厚朴10~15g、茯苓10~30g、生薑10~15g、干蘇葉6~15g。水煎，分四次溫服，晝三次，夜一次。
方證
精神緊張或恐懼，胸滿、上腹部痞悶、咽中異物感、胸悶氣塞感，舌苔厚膩。
現代應用
1、咽異感症、神經性食管狹窄症；
2、胃下垂、胃弛緩症；
3、喉源性咳嗽、聲帶水腫、感冒後聲音嘶啞；
4、神經官能症；
5、產後水腫；
6、陣發性心動過速；
7、腎炎。
經驗參考
《金匱要略》)用半夏厚朴湯治「婦人咽中如有炙臠」。「臠」是指切成小塊的肉。「炙」，《康熙字典》有「炕火日炙」的解釋。「炙臠」，即是烤肉塊。「咽中如有炙臠」是說咽中像有烤肉塊堵塞一樣。如果趁熱時吃下,則咽部可被燙傷。以此推之，當有咽部發熱、乾燥、疼痛等感覺。再次，吃烤肉片多蘸辛香去腥的調料，因此,這種感覺還可以引申為咽部的癢、麻、辣。大概類似於今天的吃「烤羊肉串」。當然，古人是否如此吃法就不得而知了,只是編者的推測而已。《千金方》說本方主治「胸滿，心下堅，咽中怗怗，如有炙肉，吐之不出，吞之不下。」提出了「胸滿，心下堅」的症狀，更是對《金匱要略》進行了補充。咽下接食管，咽中向下延伸就是胸中。此處所言的「胸滿」可能是食管痙攣。雖然胸滿，但卻並不妨礙飲食，不同於噎嗝。
關於半夏厚朴湯，有些問題值得注意。
其一，半夏厚朴湯是經方理氣劑的代表，其主治除了經文描述的方證以外，還可以見到哪些症狀? 根據大塚敬節《漢方診療三十年》的記載，半夏厚朴湯證常有這些症狀：手足顫抖、腹部的力量如被抽去一般；易疲勞、悸動、眩暈；胸部苦悶，有一種呼吸將停，接不上氣的感覺；腹診觸得胃部振水音，心窩部略膨滿；患者攤開記錄病情與治療詳細經過的筆記本，綿綿不停地講了近一個小時；突然感覺心臟被握住一樣，驚恐中按自己的脈搏，發現脈搏處於停止的狀態。從這些記述來看，大多屬於神經症的表現。概括之，本方證以神經緊張感、憂慮感、恐懼感(包括恐癌症、恐艾症等)為主證，旁及呼吸、消化、泌尿及循環系統。至於咽喉部症狀，可能與此處神經分布較多，比較敏感，容易成為突出表現罷了。矢數道明認為咽中異物感並非本方必備之症(《臨床應用漢方處方解說》)。也有人將這種異物感引申到尿道異物感。如李天傑治某男，25歲，1980年3月5日初診。婚後兩年未育，近半年暴躁易怒，常感尿道前段有異物梗阻，觸之無異常，溺時通暢。舌質淡紅，苔薄白，脈弦，小便鏡檢未見異常。擬以半夏厚朴湯加甘草梢，4劑後症減，原方出入又服8劑，莖中異物感消失(四川中醫,1987;5(10):20)。
其二《金匱要略》水氣病篇載：「問曰：病者苦水，面目身體四肢皆腫，小便不利，脈之不言水，反言胸中痛，氣上沖明，狀如炙肉、當微咳喘。這一段《皇漢醫學》也把它列為半夏厚朴湯的主治。龍野一雄認為腎臟病的水腫和其他各種水腫皆用本方。亦有用於陰囊水腫之例。喉、聲門水腫、肺水腫亦可用(《中醫臨證處方人門》)。《漢方對症狀之想法與實際治療》說生產後上半身尤其由頸部到顏部浮腫而頻發咳嗽，因而呼吸困難，或痰如泡沫樣者，用半夏厚朴湯有卓效。本方所主之水腫為水氣上沖而不降,沒有過多的利水藥，主要從調理氣機著手。《壽世保元》水腫病篇有「木香流氣飲」治諸氣痞滯不通...急咳嗽，面目虛浮，四肢腫滿，大小便閉澀。此方也是從理氣著手來治水腫。所用之藥頗多，包括半夏厚朴湯所用的藥物，只是劑量有出人。《太平惠民和劑局方》所載的蘇子降氣湯其證也有肢體浮腫，所用之藥也有半夏、蘇子、蘇葉、厚朴、生薑。可以認為，半夏厚朴湯開創了從理氣治水腫的先河。
其三，半夏厚朴湯是治療實證之方，雖然，病人的主訴有時很像虛證，但適合於本方的體質不能過於虛弱。從《千金方》所言「心下堅」來看，病人的腹力還是相當充實的。半夏厚朴湯的腹證也不大可能像大建中湯腹證那樣虛弱。大塚敬節說,半夏厚朴湯用於胃下垂、胃弛緩症等。並且對於這些疾病所伴隨的神經症狀有良效，但對於腹部軟弱無力者則不宜使用。也可以這麼認為，使用半夏厚朴湯應以存在一定程度的腹力為指征。總而言之，有厚朴配伍的方劑，重度虛證是禁忌。他還說,對於非常虛弱的患者和腹部軟弱無力、脈也無力的患者，使用半夏厚朴湯反而加重疲乏無力，必須注意(《漢方治療三十年》)。《漢方診療各論》說半夏厚朴湯，皮膚纖細，腹璧薄面弛緩，或輕度鼓脹，脈沉弱者用之。這種說法值得商榷。上述《金匱要略》水氣病篇的那段經文談到「脈沉而緊」，似乎可以作為半夏厚朴湯證的脈象。即使是非常典型的半夏厚朴湯證，但如果體質過於虛弱，此時也不能輕率投用本方，應該從治療虛證的處方里考慮選方。
注論精選
尤在涇：此凝痰結氣，阻塞咽嗌之間。《千金方》所謂咽中怗怗，如有炙肉，吞不下，吐不出者是也。半夏、厚朴、生薑辛以散結，苦以降逆;茯苓佐半夏利痰氣;紫蘇芳香，入肺以宜其氣也。(《金匱要略心典》)
胡希恕：此證不限婦人，男人亦多有，但本方的應用並不限於此證。若以咽中不利和胸悶滿為目的，可活用於不定的神經症均有良效。又本方開胃進食，消脹止嘔，用於胃病的機會亦多。他如傷風、咳嗽，適證加桑白皮、栝姜、橘皮、杏仁之屬亦有捷效。(《經方傳真》
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