이노스케
자국 국민 부동산 규제 할거면 똑같이 외국 자본 사모펀드도 규제하던가
외국 자본 사모펀드 규제 풀어줄거면 똑같이 자국 국민도 규제도 풀어주던가
공평하게 경쟁할 수 있게 해야 되는데 기울어진 운동장에서 자국 국민들이 역차별 당하고 있음
2020년 3월 외국 자본 사모펀드도 국내 부동산에 투기할 수 있도록 규제 풀어주고
2020년 6월 자국 국민들은 여러가지 부동산 규제를 해서 집 사게 어렵게 만들고
대한민국에서는 오히려 대한민국 국민들이 역차별 받고 외국 자본이 특혜를 받고 있음
2020년 3월 3일 국무회의에서 '자본시장과 금융투자업에 관한 법률 시행령'이 개정되어서
외국 자본 사모펀드가 국내 부동산 어디든지 투기할 수 있도록 규제 완화되었음
참고로 시행령이란 국무회의를 통해서 대통령의 권한으로 제정할 수 있는 법률 하위 명령을 뜻함
원래는 외국 자본 사모펀드가 국내 부동산에 투기할 수 없었는데 문재인이 규제 풀어줘서 가능하게 되었음
자국민들을 상대로는 여러가지 부동산 규제를 해서 집 사기 어렵게 만드는 동시에
외국 자본은 국내 부동산에 투기할 수 있도록 규제를 풀어주는 것은 자국민에 대한 역차별임/ 일베 댓글
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훔쳐서 세운 모래성
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임종석(고한석)과 MBC ‘스포트라이트’가 박원순을 죽음으로 몰아갔다?
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정 총리가 그래도 꾸준히 나라를 걱정하는 마음으로 애쓰고 있다.
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어떤 간신이 저런 엉터리 정보를 멍청한 대통령에게 주는 걸까? 회복은커녕 망하지 않으면 다행인데!
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정 총리가 그래도 꾸준히 나라를 걱정하는 마음으로 애쓰고 있다.
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미국, 중공과 결별 선언: 우리의 선택은
총을 쏘지 않을 뿐, 미국과 중국은 지금 전쟁 상태에 들어갔다고 보아야 한다. 문제는 시대착오적인 이념광理念狂 문죄인이 한국의 대통령이라는 사실이다.
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[2020년 7월 27일] 중국의 홍수 대책 마지노 선 - 형주 방홍구
이박사 중국뉴스 해설
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양재일, 비밀전산서버, 인포서버, Info Server 대표 - 4.15 부정의 공범입니다!
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도시는 취약하다. 로마는 전염병으로 2백만 명의 인구가 수십만으로 줄어들었고, 이를 회복하는데 1500년이 걸렸다.
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바다 달팽이라 불리는 생물에서 보라색을 뽑아내는 고대의 기술을 오랜 연구 끝에 재현해낸 사람의 이야기.
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Passion for purple revives ancient dye in Tunisia
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유연한 경제학자 미제스
미제스가 말하는 전반적인 경제 질서, 작동 원리와 요구 사항, 제도적 정책적 규범 등은 인간 행동 정리(定理)에서 연역적으로 순수하게 “선험적으로a priori” 나온 게 아니라, 그의 수십 년에 걸친 실제적인 정책 경험에서 나온 것이다.
미제스는 사회의 여러 제약 속에서 자신의 원론적인 경제 정책을 추진할 수 없을 때는 굳이 고집하지 않고, 차선의 정책을 추천하기도 했다.
Ebeling on Mises the Applied Economist
Richard Ebeling
Since Peter began with some quotes, including one by Ludwig von Mises, may I offer a little "doctrinal" interpretation about how Mises actually acted as a economic theorist and policy analyst?
First, too many of us (and this included me for many years) viewed and considered Mises as primarily the grand "armchair" theorist considering the sweeping issues of economic institutional orders; the workings of the monetary system and market process; the nature and interconnections between time, money, production, and business cycles; and the logic and structure of human action and choice.
And this is certainly the side of Mises’ thought and writings that often carry a timeless quality to them because they deal with and are articulated in terms of the general and universal aspects of man, mind, markets, and society.
But Mises did not make his living as a grand theorist. For almost a quarter of a century, from 1909 to 1934 (except for most the years of the Great War), Mises worked as economic policy analyst and advisor to the Vienna Chamber of Commerce. From the age of 28 to 53 (at which time he moved to Geneva, Switzerland to accept his first full-time academic position as the Graduate Institute of International Studies) he spent his working day as a “policy wonk.” And I mean a “policy wonk” – someone immersed in the factual details and economic policy specifics of, first, the old Austro-Hungarian government and, then, the Austrian Republic between the two World Wars. His statistical knowledge of “the facts” of fiscal policy, regulatory legislation, and Austrian monetary institutions and policy was precise and minute.
This became very clear to me while I have worked through those “lost papers” of Ludwig von Mises that were recovered by my wife and myself from a formerly secret KGB archive in Moscow. And, I might add, that the last of the three volumes of the “Selected Writings of Ludwig von Mises” based on these papers and which Liberty Fund has been publishing has, now – finally!! – been finished and will be out in the not too distant future. (This last volume, which I have prepared, actually covers his earliest period, that is, Mises’ writings on monetary and fiscal policy problems from before, during, and just after the First World War.)
Indeed, it has become clear to me that much of Mises’ conception of the general economic order, its workings and requirements, and the institutional and policy “rules” that would help establish and maintain freedom and prosperity did not arise from a pure “a priori” deductive spinning out of implications from the “action axiom.”
They are, in many cases, the general theoretical insights and the social institutional and economic policy “wisdoms” derived from living through, acting within, and learned lessons from those momentous and often catastrophic events that shook Europe in the first half of the twentieth century, and particularly as experienced in the everyday reality of Austrian political and economic life during this time.
What is also clear from reading Mises’ policy writings from this period of his European career, is that if you had asked him a fiscal, or monetary, or regulatory policy question in the context of his role as analyst at the Chamber of Commerce, he would not have said, and did not simply say, “laissez-faire” – abolish the central bank, deregulate the economy, and eliminate taxes.
He accepts that there are certain institutional “givens” that must be taken for granted, and in the context of which policy options and decisions must be worked out.
He seemed to usually think with three policy “horizons” in his mind. The first, and the more distant, “horizon,” concerned the most optimal institutional and policy arrangement in society for the fostering of the (classical) liberal ideal of freedom and prosperity.
This is captured most frequently in the books and articles he was writing outside of his narrow role as Chamber economist. That is, those works from which most of us know many of his ideas – “The Theory of Money and Credit,” “Socialism,” “Liberalism,” “Monetary Stabilization and Cyclical Policy,” and “Critique of Interventionism” – from before the Second World War.
The second “horizon,” was closer to the actual circumstances of the present, but focused on the intermediary goals that would be leading in the direction of that more distant, “optimal” horizon. For example, ending a paper money inflation and reestablishing a gold-based monetary system, for general economic stability without which the market order and economic calculation cannot properly function. Or concerned with fiscal policy, and reducing the burden and incidence of the tax structure to end capital consumption and foster capital formation.
(And, I should mention, that as a policy analyst thinking in terms of classical liberal normative “preferences,” Mises does not advocate, “tax neutrality.” That is, a low tax structure that would fund those minimal limited government functions, but would not attempt, outside of this, to “influence” the behavior or choices of the market participants. He believes that such a low tax system should be structured in such a way that IT DOES foster and generate incentives for investment and capital formation. The tax structure, in his view, should be designed to stimulate production, not current consumption.)
And the third “horizon” in the context of which Mises analyzes and proposes economic policies, is the current situation and the immediate future. In other words, how do you design the concrete bylaws and rules for a central bank to prevent it from following an inflationary monetary policy, including the transition to and implementation of specie redemption, and the policy “tools” it should then use to maintain the exchange rate and convertibility?
While in the 1970s Murray Rothbard may have once criticized Milton Friedman for advocating “indexation” as a method to reduce some of the negative effects from an on-going inflation, in 1922, during the worsening Great Austrian Inflation, Mises actually proposed “indexation” of wages and prices, and government revenues and expenditures to reduce deficit fiscal pressures, maintain real standards of living for many in the society, and eliminate some of the inflationary distortions on economic calculation – as a part of a specific policy agenda to bring the inflation to an end. And he explained how the indexation should be implemented.
Mises did not just say, “Cut bureaucracy and their spider’s web of regulatory controls.” He first explained what was inefficient and unnecessary in the three-tiered Austrian bureaucratic system of federal, provincial and municipal regulators and taxing authorities. Then he explained what reforms should be introduced, how they could be “experimented” with in some of the smaller regions of Austria to see how they worked before extending them to the rest of the country, and how best to overcome the resistance of those in the bureaucracy fearful of losing their jobs.
In designing a new fiscal order for Austria, Mises proposed eliminating all income taxes and many – but not all – corporate and business taxes. But how, then, do you finance the costs of government? He presents an agenda for implementing indirect taxes on a wide variety of consumption items, and especially what today would be called “sin taxes” and “luxury taxes.” And government welfare state expenditures were not going to just “disappear.” So, employers would be taxed to cover existing social insurance expenditures. This was all meant to foster capital formation through predominately consumption taxation to cover fiscal costs.
And in a lengthy monograph that he wrote during the Second World War devoted to economic reform in an underdeveloped country like Mexico, he took as “given” that the politics of the society was not ready to fully privatize, say, the national railway system or the oil industry. So as a “second best,” Mises proposed transforming the railway system into a government owned but privately managed corporation with strict rules and procedures to assure it was run in a relatively “business-like” manner with the least likelihood of political interference. He even supported limited and temporary subsidies to assist poor farmers to establish themselves as more successful private enterprisers.
And on tariffs, he did not propose immediate abolition. He accepted that there were many industries that had grown up behind the trade barriers, and that they would resist immediate repeal of trade protectionism. So, instead, he advocated “incrementalism,” i.e., a gradual reduction of the tariff barriers over several years.
And he even supported a limited degree “trade retaliation” in the face of a trading partner raising its tariffs against the goods of one’s own nation, as a means of nudging that trading partner back to a freer trade policy.
Now, in explaining all of these things, it is not my purpose to argue whether Mises’ specific policy proposals were “right” or “wrong,” or more or less “reasonable” or “realistic.”
But it is to point out that there is a very interesting “other side” to Ludwig von Mises as practicing economist, and how surely the most famous and thorough-going “Austrian” economist of the 20th century saw the nature of policy evaluation and policy implementation in the “real world.”
There is often no alternative but thinking in terms of a “second” or “third” best. But that thinking is more soundly directed if done in terms of an image of what the “first” best would be, and how the “second” and “third” bests might be designed to move in the direction of that “first” best, or at least not to be in contradiction with it.
This is certainly the way that Mises attempted to think about and propose economic policy options in the world in which he lived in Austria, where many ideological and political ideas and practices had to be taken as “given” in the short-run.
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