[단독] 이재갑 - 토론 좆 처발리는 이유 . JPG 깜깜무소식식식 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11390347796 - 청소년 치명률 낮은거 설명 불가능 - 백신 부작용이 일반 감기 백신의 400배 설명 불가능 - 일반플루 vs 백신감기 데이터 꺼내면 설명 불가능 - 중요한 건 애들이 죽는 경우가 없음 - 백신패스자 100% 지역인 서울 도심에 백신패스 하는 식당 논리 설명 불가능 그리고 가장 중요한거 응~ 미국이 아니래. 그냥 감기래~ 저 이미지 떠서 이젤로 만들어 들고 이재갑 면상에 보여주면 됨 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 도날드Trump 일베 댓글 @김무성개새끼 집값 폭등, 출산률 하락, 비정규직 양산, 외노자 유입, 다문화 정책 등으로 한민족의 정체성을 와해시키고 중산층을 붕괴시키려는 것은 일루미나티의 목표이다. 우리나라는 박근혜 탄핵과 동시에 나라를 위한 인물들은 대부분 제거되었기 때문에 이제는 국민을 위하는 정치인은 없다고 봐야 한다. 애국하는 정치인은 감옥 가게 되어 있다. 상류층과 고소득 전문직을 제외한 일반인들은 희망이 없어졌다. 이게 다 언론 선동에 놀아나 애국자를 몰아내고 매국노들을 득세하게 만들어준 개돼지 궁민들 덕분이다. 궁민들의 자업자득이다. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 사표 낸 사람들 5명 말고도 더 있다…김명수 대법원 붕괴 일보직전 뉴스데일리베스트 https://youtu.be/ieua25WqhjY ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [김대중 칼럼] 속국으로 사느냐, 동맹으로 가느냐 사마르칸트 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11390318912 지금 세계 정세는’홀로서기’ 허용 안해 中 택하면 속국 되고 美 택하면 동맹국으로 산다 3·9 대선이 중요한 건 이 때문이다 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 필자: 이계성 [칼럼] 이재명 친위대 민노총 부자곡간 터는 공산혁명 시작했다. 부자 곡간털어 불평등 해소하자는 민노총 문재인 홍위병 역할하는 무소불위 권력을 휘드르며 2022년 시작과 함께 ‘계급투쟁’을 선동하며 공산혁명으로 체제전복에 나섰다. 양경수 민노총 위원장은 2022년 시무식에서 “재벌·대기업·기득권 세력의 준동은 올해 더욱 악랄해질 것”이라며 “저항을 넘어 쟁취의 해” “착취를 용인하는 노동법을 완전히 바꾸어야” 한다고 했다. 최근 문정권이 가석방 시킨 전 민노총 위원장 한상균은 2015년 광화문 폭동으로 경찰버스 52대 파손 젼경 127명 부상시킨 인물이다. 출소한 한상균은 “부자들 곳간을 털지 않고 한국 사회에 만연한 불평등을 누가 해결할 수 있단 말인가”라며 “불평등 체제의 파열구를 여는 2022년”을 주장했다. 민노총 간부들의 주장은 물론 용어들까지 1848년의 공산당선언을 상기시킨다. 모든 역사를 착취와 피착취, 가진 자와 못 가진 자, 억압자와 피억압자의 계급투쟁으로 보고, 프롤레타리아 혁명을 외쳤다. 허구성이 드러난 공산주의 하겠다며 자본주의와 4차 산업혁명이 일상화 된 현실을 외면하고 시대착오적인 주장을 펼치고 있다. 이들은 4차 산업혁명을 가로막고 한국경제를 붕괴시키는 암적 존재다. 3.9 대선에서는 대한민국을 적화하려는 민노총 전교조 정의구현사제단을 대청소할 후보가 필요하다. 불평등 주범은 기업이 아니라 귀족노조 민노총 지금의 한국사회에서 불평등을 키우는 주범은 다름 아닌 민노총 등 귀족 노조다. 민노총 자체가 기득권처럼 됐다. 평균 연봉이 최고 1억 원에 육박하면서 전체 임금 노동자의 상위 10∼20%를 차지한다. 민노총은 기득권을 지키기 위해 여타 노동자를 비정규직으로 내모는 행위도 서슴지 않는다. 비노조 노동자들에 대한 폭력과 범법 행위가 위험 수위를 넘었다. 기업 간부를 폭행하고 불법 파업을 일삼는 폭력 노조다. 민노총 폭력에 많은 기업이 문을 닫고 위국으로 떠나고 있다. 양수경 위원장은 대한민국 전복 음모를 꾸미다 해산된 통합진보당의 핵심이간부며 ‘경기동부연합’ 출신이다. 이재명은 경기동부연합을 기반으로 성남시장 경기지사에 당선 되었다 3.9 대선-이재명+동부연합+통진당+한총련 남총련=공산주의혁명 이재명 후보도 동부연합과 통진당 기반으로 성남시장에 당선되었으며 동부연합은 민노총을 장악하고 있다. 동부연합은 이석기가 만들었고 동부연합을 기반으로 통진당이 설립되어 민주당 전대표 한명숙과 연합 공천으로 5명의 국회의원이 당선되자 이를 바탕으로 이석기는 국가전복 내란음모를 꾸미다 당은 해산되었고 이석기는 구속되었다. 이재명이 두려운 것은 이석기 동부그룹 급진세력과 이들에 장악된 민노총이 연합되면 순식간에 공산혁명이 이루어질 수 있다는 것이다. 특히 이재명 캠프에는 한총련 남총련 출신 핵심간부들이 대거 침투되어 있어 이재명이 당선되면 그들의 원대로 사회주의혁명을 할 것으로 보인다. 이재명과 그 일당들은 조폭과도 연계되어 폭력도 서슴지 않는 소름 돋는 집단이다. 3.9 대선이 대한민국 운명과 5000만 국민의 생사가 걸린 중대한 분기점이 될 것이다. 그런데 문제는 아직도 미몽에서 깨어나지 못하는 국민들이 많다는 것이다. 문재인에 속고도 또 이재명에 속지말아야 우리의 생존권을 지킬 수 있다.2022.1.19 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 분석) 또 14조 퍼준다, 돈풀기 역습 165조 어디갔나? 소득불평등 최악, 신용강등 국가부도 위기 시대정신연구소 https://youtu.be/OCaKk25gaf4 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 신 사회주의의 등장과 우리의 할 일 우리 눈 앞에서 정치, 사상적으로 기인한 자유시장경제의 거부 현상이 일어나고 있다. 그로 인해 명령과 계획에 의한 경제 모델이 부상되고 있는데, 그렇게 되면 세계의 평화와 번영은 끝장 날 것이다. 막스주의자-사회주의자들은 개입주의를 트로이 목마로 이용하고 있다. 더구나 기후 변화 문제와 코로나 등으로 인해, 국가에 의한 광범위한 사회, 경제적 개입이 합법화 되었다. 최근엔 정치적 글로벌리스트들이 등장해, 사람들의 삶을 통제하려 하고 있다. 구 사회주의는 적어도 공식적으로는 주민들의 생활 수준을 개선한다는 목표가 있었다. 하지만 신 사회주의는 인간을 지구의 파괴자로 보고 있고, 따라서 인간의 행동을 통제하려 한다. 또 일부 글로벌리스트들은 지구 환경을 지키기 위해 인구를 감소해야 한다고 믿기도 한다. 하지만 생산을 줄이게 되면, 사람들은 국내에서 또 국제적으로 서로 대립하고 갈등하게 된다. 사회주의를 멈추게 하는 방법은 그 거짓과 허점을 폭로하고 더 나은 세상을 위해 투쟁하는 것 밖에는 방법이 없다. The Rise of the New Socialism—and What You Can Do about It Thorsten Polleit I. THE STARTING CONDITIONS In this article I want to explain that a rapid departure from the free market system (or what is left of it today) is taking place before our eyes, and that this is a development that endangers not only prosperity but also the peaceful coexistence of people in this world. To explain this to you and to find a solution to the problem, I am beginning my lecture with the starting conditions. The economies are struggling to recover from the politically dictated lockdown crisis. The fact that the international production and logistics chains have suffered considerable damage becomes apparent in persistent production downtimes, delivery delays, rising goods prices, and here and there empty supermarket shelves. One could now hope that sooner or later, these disruptions will be resolved and that the global supply and demand structure will normalize again. Unfortunately, however, this hope is clouded by the relentless economic and sociopolitical paradigm shift that is taking place. Before our eyes, the politically and ideologically induced renunciation of the system of free markets (or what little is left of it today) is taking place. What is happening is supposed to give way to a kind of command and planned economic model that does not bode well for prosperity and peace in the world. Why turning away from the free market system is problematic, even dangerous, becomes clear when you look at how it works and how well it works. 2. WHAT THE FREE MARKET SYSTEM CAN DO The system of free markets can do great things economically and socially. In a system of free markets, consumers are free to demand goods they want to buy. And the suppliers have the freedom to offer goods, which they believe will be bought willingly by the consumers. In a free market, people take advantage of the division of labor. This increases work productivity; it allows for more and better goods to be produced. Companies are established and set out to produce and offer the goods and services that consumers want to buy. If the companies are successful, they will be rewarded with a profit. The profit allows them to expand their production in the customer’s interests. If the entrepreneur makes a loss, his capital literally goes into better hands; i.e., to entrepreneurs who are comparatively better at fulfilling consumer demands. The profit and loss principle ensures that production output aligns with customer requirements. The formation of the price of goods plays a particularly important role in the system of free markets. If the price of a good rises, it indicates that the good in question is scarce (relative to the supply of other goods). On the one hand, this encourages consumers to use the good more sparingly. On the other hand, companies get the signal to expand production. The increased production volume of the good counteracts its price increase and improves the supply situation for the consumer. The same applies to a drop in the price of a good. It signifies that the good is abundantly available and that the entrepreneurs should better increase the production of other goods, the prices of which are higher relative to the cheaper good. The price mechanism ensures that scarce resources are channeled into uses in which, from the consumer’s point of view, they generate the greatest benefit. A free market system—and this is its core feature—is characterized by property: the means of production are privately owned. The entrepreneur can collect the profits of his activity, and he must bear the costs of what he does. In a free market, the endeavor to keep property or obtain more also encourages the entrepreneur to consistently align his production output with the consumer’s wishes. He uses his means of production to produce goods that do not meet his own needs but those of the buyers. He, therefore, puts himself and his property at the service of the consumer. And it is the consumers who decide whether the entrepreneur will succeed or fail with their decision to purchase or not; we call this consumer sovereignty. The issue of the environment can also be brought under control in a system of truly free markets. If there were a system of free markets, all resources—such as land, roads, forests, lakes, rivers, seas, oceans—would be privately owned—either by individuals or by groups of people. Overuse and waste of resources would be prevented because the owners would manage their property; that is, they would try to maximize the capital value of the resources. Owners who see their property rights damaged by, for example, noise, air, or climate change, would have the option of taking the wrongdoer to court. To do so, they would provide evidence of harm caused by a third party, and judges would rule on the complaint, issue injunctions, determine compensation, or reject the lawsuit in the absence of sufficient evidence. Another characteristic of the free market system is mass production; i.e., the production of goods intended for consumption by the broader population. Associated with this is a tendency toward a constant improvement in the average standard of living for the broad population, that is, a progressive enhancement of the living situation of the majority of the population. One could also say (and the Marxist-socialists may not want to hear that at all): the free market system deproletarianizes ordinary people, gradually elevating them to the rank of middle class (a.k.a. bourgeois). As already mentioned in the introduction, a free market system develops an increasing, more and more finely divided division of labor, both nationally and internationally. Because it is the division of labor that increases the productivity of the work, it encourages people to produce those goods they can produce at a comparatively low cost. The division of labor not only allows more goods to be produced with a given labor force but also creates goods that could not be produced without a division of labor. A permanent division of labor creates unimagined improvements in prosperity for people. The system of free markets creates a work-sharing connection between people worldwide, bringing them together in a cooperative and productive network to the benefit of all. In that sense, the free market is a peace program for the world. The economic success of the Western world with its extensive supply of goods and high technological development rests on the system of free markets—which were never really completely free but still made it possible within the existing restrictions imposed by the governments to promote people’s prosperity: the entrepreneurs obviously still had sufficient freedom to expand their production output; the price signals were sufficiently reliable to lead the investments to success. But the achievements of the free market system (or what is left of it today) are increasingly being called into question, undermined, and destroyed, mainly due to the rise of interventionism. 3. THE RISE OF INTERVENTIONISM In the past decades, there has been no free market system in its purest form in the Western economies. The prevailing economic model was and is interventionism. In interventionism, the means of production are formally privately owned. However, the state restricts the owners’ rights of disposal over their property—through rules and regulations, taxation, etc., and it also dictates what they can and cannot do with their property. The problem with interventionism is that the goals you want to achieve with it either cannot be achieved or can only be achieved with undesirable and problematic side effects. Let me give you an example: the state wants to lower the rent to make living space affordable. To do this, it sets a rent ceiling. If the rent ceiling is lower than the market rent, the demand for space to rent exceeds the supply. The scarce supply of space then has to be allocated somehow; i.e., rationed. The foreseeable consequences are queues, corruption, nepotism, etc. Also, a rent ceiling will discourage investors from investing in the construction of new apartments. This also applies to maintenance and renovation investments. As a consequence, living conditions for tenants deteriorate. Therefore, a rent ceiling not only reduces the available living space but also lowers the housing quality for tenants. Interventionism regularly triggers a spiral of intervention: because it did not achieve its goal or has caused undesirable side effects, the state intervenes further. And as the state intervenes more and more in the system of (originally) free markets, it infiltrates and destroys it. If we do not turn away from interventionism, we cannot end the interventionism spiral and we end up with a command and planned economy in which the state determines who produces what, where, and in what quantities and who is allowed to consume what, where, and in what quantities. If you don’t stop it, interventionism leads to bondage, to a command economy that will seriously reduce people’s prosperity and bring coercion and violence. 4. INTERVENTIONISM AS A TROJAN HORSE Interventionism has become a universally accepted model these days: the idea that the state should and must intervene in the market system to achieve politically desired goals is very popular. It is celebrated by the well-meaning people who believe that interventionism can tame or eliminate the undesirable consequences that they attribute to the free markets—such as financial and economic crises, too great a gap between rich and poor, poverty among the elderly, etc. But this conviction results from a wrong root cause analysis, for it is interventionism, not the free market, that is responsible for the evils that are widely lamented today, and it is self-evident that interventionism cannot eliminate the issues it causes. However, some advocate interventionism because they know that with its help, the system of free markets (or what is left of it) can be quietly and discretely abolished or destroyed. With finely worded proposals, they recommend that the state intervene in the economy and society to achieve supposedly better results. And so the state actually penetrates education (kindergarten, school, university), transport, media, health, retirement planning, money, credit, and the environment, becomes the dominant player everywhere—undermines the remaining elements of the free market system until it is no longer a free market system but just an empty shell. Marxist-socialist forces, in particular, find a Trojan horse in interventionism. Thanks to its help, for example, with the issues of climate change and coronavirus, far-reaching interventions by the state in economic and social life—unprecedented in times of peace—can apparently be legitimized. For many people, it sounds good and right when they hear: The national economies are no longer allowed to produce and consume as before; otherwise, the planet will become uninhabitable, and only the state can bring salvation. It should therefore boldly take control and reorganize production and consumption by diktat. And the spread of a virus requires that the state control people’s health according to its guidelines. 5. THE AGENDA OF THE POLITICAL GLOBALISTS Among the supporters of interventionism, a particularly aggressive branch has emerged in recent years: the zealots who want to convert and rebuild the economy and society according to political provisions and that worldwide. They can aptly be described as political globalists. What they have in common is the conviction that people should not and should not be allowed to lead their lives independently in a world of free markets, but rather that they must be controlled by a central authority. And who should fill this central authority? If the political globalists have their way, this power should be placed in the hands of a cartel of states, ideally a kind of world government, an interest group of high-ranking politicians and bureaucrats, central bank councils, representatives of large companies—i.e., those who are commonly referred to as the Davos Elite or the establishment. The path taken by political globalism boils down to establishing a command and planned economy on this planet, a world command economy. It would be a preliminary stage to socialism, an expression of the idea that the output of the national economy could be determined by a central authority to create a better, fairer, more environmentally friendly world economy. This should not only be achieved through direct stipulations (i.e., how and what is to be produced when and where and under what conditions), but also in particular through state influence on market prices—through taxes, but also by setting price ceilings (for scarce goods) and/or price floors (for goods available in abundance)—which make the production and consumption of certain goods economically impossible. But this is a path that must lead to disaster because it will shatter what is left of the free market system. The failures of interventionism—from the rise in goods prices and empty supermarket shelves to hunger and misery—do not convince them of the impracticality of interventionism. Rather, they attribute the failure to reach their goals to the fact that the interventions were not far reaching, not aggressive enough, and that, in the future, they will achieve the desired goal with better and more courageous interventions. And so intervention follows intervention, and the remaining elements of the free market are increasingly overridden and destroyed. The rights of disposal that owners have over their property are gradually curtailed until owners are, in fact, no longer owners. One of the demands of the interventionists is to standardize the policies in the different regions of the world—for example, by aligning tax rates and labor market regulations, by coordinating fiscal and monetary policies, etc. Above all, the political globalists who use interventionism are also systematically prompting the relativization and discreditation of the system of free markets (or what’s left of it). For example, they propagate the idea that companies should no longer pursue capitalist profit maximization but must follow the guidelines of stakeholder capitalism: that is, their activities are not consistently defined by the interests of the owners, but (also) aligned with the objectives of customers, lenders, suppliers, employees, as well as their local communities. This reeducation of thinking is often touted as rethinking capitalism. In particular, political globalism starts with the investments of capital collection agencies such as insurance companies, pension schemes, and mutual funds. The principle is well known and has been practiced for government bonds for years. The state privileges its debts. For example, banks do not have to hold equity capital for government bonds. Furthermore, government bonds are given privileged treatment by the central bank by being approved for open market operations. This increases the attractiveness of government bonds from an investor’s point of view, and they lend the states their money on terms that would be inconceivable without the privileges that the state grants its own debts. This is how the state gets a considerable amount of private capital. As a result, the state is not only becoming bigger and more powerful, it also receives enormous financial power, which it uses for steering purposes—for example, by supporting some branches of industry financially, but not others. A very similar capital management, which amounts to an industry policy, now takes place through the state’s determination of what sustainable investments are and what are not and which companies receive the seal of approval for environment, social affairs, and corporate governance and which do not. To be classified as a sustainable business model, a company must act in accordance with economic, ecological, and social criteria that the state can significantly shape and expand as it pleases. The business purpose and value creation come into the political crosshairs just as much as the relationships with all stakeholders (shareholders, employees, business partners, etc.), and issues such as tax equity are also taken into account. Industry control by the state is thereby expanded and outsourced to private investors. 6. OLD SOCIALISM AND NEOSOCIALISM In the history of ideas, political globalism has collectivist-socialist roots, and it is the precursor for neosocialism. Compared to old socialism, however, neosocialism has a much more gloomy, sinister guiding principle. The old socialism, at least officially, had the goal of improving the material facilities of the working population and raising their standard of living. (Unfortunately, the means it used to achieve its goals were the wrong ones.) Neosocialism, however, is different. It does not see man as God’s creation but a destroyer of the earth whose self-indulgence must be challenged. Whose resource consumption must be reduced. And probably one or two political globalists may also have the desire to control or reduce the world population so that the planet does not become uninhabitable. Scarcity and renunciation, which neosocialism advocates, harbor enormous explosive potential. Because economic growth; i.e., the increase in available goods over time, not only increases people’s standard of living. It also proves to be an instrument for avoiding conflict: if the pie grows overall, everyone will be better off, even if their share of the pie remains the same. If the cake shrinks, however, there is suddenly less for everyone, and then the struggles for distribution inevitably become harder. By working towards a reduction in the demand for goods, the supply of goods and the consumption of resources, neosocialism inevitably turns people against each other, nationally and internationally, and the risk of armed conflicts increases. If political globalism is not halted, neosocialism will be established, and the remnants of the free market will be abolished. The all-too-well-known problem, namely, that socialism and its varieties are impracticable, would manifest itself relentlessly. The impoverishment of the population, of humanity, would be the result. The politically induced rise in energy prices already indicates what looms: the radical rise in energy prices, which was brought about in a relatively short period of time, threatens to overturn the existing structure of production and employment in the world, triggering corporate bankruptcies and mass unemployment. That, in turn, will trigger calls for the state to help out. As a savior, the state pays unemployment benefits and subsidies on a large scale and ensures spending programs. 7. NEOSOCIALISM AND UNBACKED PAPER MONEY This is financed by issuing new national debt, which is bought by the central banks and paid for with new money. Declining economic clout, but above all, the growing amounts of money that the central banks are issuing are driving up goods prices. Life is becoming more expensive, the standard of living of the broader population is declining. If people do not recognize the cause of the deterioration in their material situation, the state will act as a permanent problem solver. It takes measures to counteract the rise in food prices, rents, insurance premiums, etc.—for example, by issuing price ceilings (for example, for food and transport) and price floors (for example, for wages). This inhibits the national economy, production suffers, the supply situation for the people deteriorates. The (increased) price inflation is entirely in keeping with the neosocialist program. Not only does it slow down economic expansion, but it also turns large sections of the population into needy people who (have to) turn to the state for handouts. The devaluation of money and the monetary savings, which the price inflation provides, gives the state a growing following, which has a vital interest in a large and financially strong state. It is therefore not surprising that the central banks are now pursuing a monetary policy that drives price inflation above the 2 percent mark. As long as price inflation remains hidden from the eyes of the general public, inflation does its evil job: devaluation, destruction of savings, redistribution. But if price inflation gets too high, the scam threatens to be exposed. This can even lead to people abandoning money: people try to get rid of their money by exchanging it for real assets (stocks, houses, art, etc.). If confidence in unbacked money wanes, high inflation or even hyperinflation is just around the corner—unless the central banks turn around and reduce price inflation by raising interest rates and slowing down money supply growth. Then, however, the debt pyramid, which has been built up in the Western world for decades, would collapse and with it the structure of production and employment as well as the entire neosocialism project. So it is understandable why the central banks are doing everything in their power to convince the population that they, the central banks, are indispensable, are the guarantors of good money, the fighters against inflation. The distortion of truth couldn’t be greater. The unbacked paper, or fiat money, system is crucial for the success of the neosocialist megaproject. Properly dosed, it is possible, at least theoretically, to conceal the full extent of the costs caused by the “Great Reset” from the public eye. So if the central bank councils manage to maintain people’s trust in fiat money, the neo-socialists can move forward with their coup. A loss of confidence in fiat money—triggered, for example, by high price inflation as a result of an excessive increase in the amount of money—can, on the other hand, throw the neosocialism project off track. Seen in this light, the current surge in goods and asset prices—as painful as it is for most earners—at least holds a chance that the fiat money fraud will be debunked and the neosocialists will literally run out of money. 8. THE FIGHT OF IDEAS Human history is not—as Karl Marx whispered to the people—the result of social development laws that inevitably lead to socialism-Marxism. Rather, it is determined by ideas that drive people. If you are convinced that socialism is the system that brings salvation, then you will do everything in your power to establish socialism. So to stop and reverse what is currently going on worldwide—the advance of the state and the repression of the free market system—there is no other way than to enter the fight for the better ideas, to debunk the bad ideas, to help the good ideas—the ideas of the free markets—to break through. From an economic point of view, the battle has long been over: it is easy to prove that socialism and all its varieties are doomed to failure, that their failure, in reality, is not a coincidence, but that it can be traced back to the working of economic laws. But since this knowledge is not pervasive, we have to educate our fellow men about the dangers that come with socialism and all its varieties. We also have to explain that what is touted as green policies, as a great reset, comes straight from the socialist witch’s kitchen and represents a reissue of well-known socialist ideas in a new guise. We can educate our fellow men, for example, by sending articles, podcasts, videos of libertarian thinkers or giving their books to family members, friends, or colleagues. And we always have to show the positive alternative that the preservation and defense of property, individual freedom, and free markets has in store—and that their acceptance makes a lasting, peaceful, and productive coexistence of people in this world possible. Joining the battle of ideas, communicating the better economic ideas, explaining and promoting the superiority of free market ideas is one way of stopping the rise of neosocialism, one opportunity that must not be missed. Either by getting involved yourself, becoming active, or courageously supporting others going into intellectual battle for them—like, for instance, the Mises Institute and other freedom- and libertarian-minded think tanks. Author: Thorsten Polleit Dr. Thorsten Polleit is Chief Economist of Degussa and Honorary Professor at the University of Bayreuth. He also acts as an investment advisor. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 공학자와 계획가들 특정 분야에 정통한 과학자가 자신의 지위를 이용해 그가 문외한인 분야에 영향을 미치려 할 때, 과학의 오용이 일어난다. 이 글은 라는 책에서 발췌했는데, 저 책은 과학의 본질에 대한 철학적 논의와 생시몽으로부터 시작되어 마르크스에서 완성되는 공산주의 사상사를 기술하고 있다. 꽤 중요한 책인데 국내에 아는 사람도 별로 없고, 번역은 더더욱 안 되어 있다. 안타깝다. Engineers and Planners Friedrich A. Hayek The Engineer The ideal of conscious control of social phenomena has made its greatest influence felt in the economic field. The present popularity of "economic planning" is directly traceable to the prevalence of the scientistic ideas we have been discussing. As in this field the scientistic ideals manifest themselves in the particular forms which they take in the hands of the applied scientist and especially the engineer, it will be convenient to combine the discussion of this influence with some examination of the characteristic ideals of the engineers. We shall see that the influence on current views about problems of social organization of his technological approach, or the engineering point of view, is much greater than is generally realized. Most of the schemes for a complete remodeling of society, from the earlier utopias to modern socialism, bear indeed the distinct mark of this influence. In recent years this desire to apply engineering technique to the solution of social problems has become very explicit;1 "political engineering" and "social engineering" have become fashionable catchwords which are quite as characteristic of the outlook of the present generation as its predilection for "conscious" control; in Russia even the artists appear to pride themselves on the name of "engineers of the soul," bestowed upon them by Stalin. These phrases suggest a confusion about the fundamental differences between the task of the engineer and that of social organizations on a larger scale which make it desirable to consider their character somewhat more fully. We must confine ourselves here to a few salient features of the specific problems which the professional experience of the engineer constantly bring up and which determine his outlook. The first is that his characteristic tasks are usually in themselves complete: he will be concerned with a single end, control all the efforts directed towards this end, and dispose for this purpose over a definitely given supply of resources. It is as a result of this that the most characteristic feature of his procedure becomes possible, namely that, at least in principle, all the parts of the complex of operations are preformed in the engineer's mind before they start, that all the "data" on which the work is based have explicitly entered his preliminary calculations and been condensed into the "blueprint" that governs the execution of the whole scheme.23 The engineer, in other words, has complete control of the particular little world with which he is concerned, surveys it in all its relevant aspects and has to deal only with "known quantities." So far as the solution of his engineering problem is concerned, he is not taking part in a social process in which others may take independent decisions, but lives in a separate world of his own. The application of the technique which he has mastered, of the generic rules he has been taught, indeed presupposes such complete knowledge of the objective facts; those rules refer to objective properties of the things and can be applied only after all the particular circumstances of time and place have been assembled and brought under the control of a single brain. His technique, in other words, refers to typical situations defined in terms of objective facts, not to the problem of how to find out what resources are available or what is the relative importance of different needs. He has been trained in objective possibilities, irrespective of the particular conditions of time and place, in the knowledge of those properties of things which remain the same everywhere and at all times and which they possess irrespective of a particular human situation. It is important, however, to observe that the engineer's view of his job as complete in itself is, in some measure, a delusion. He is in a position in a competitive society to treat it as such because he can regard that assistance from society at large on which he counts as one of his data, as given to him without having to bother about it. That he can buy at given prices the materials and the services of the men he needs, that if he pays his men they will be able to procure their food and other necessities, he will usually take for granted. It is through basing his plans on the data offered to him by the market that they are fitted into the larger complex of social activities; and it is because he need not concern himself how the market provides him with what he needs that he can treat his job as self-contained. So long as market prices do not change unexpectedly he uses them as a guide in his calculations without much reflection about their significance. But, though he is compelled to take them into account, they are not properties of things of the same kind as those which he understands. They are not objective attributes of things but reflections of a particular human situation at a given time and place. And as his knowledge does not explain why those changes in prices occur which often interfere with his plans, any such interference appears to him due to irrational (i.e., not consciously directed) forces, and he resents the necessity of paying attention to magnitudes which appear meaningless to him. Hence the characteristic and ever-recurrent demand for the substitution of in natura4 calculation for the "artificial" calculation in terms of price or value, i.e., of a calculation which takes explicit account of the objective properties of things. The engineer's ideal which he feels the "irrational" economic forces prevent him from achieving, based on his study of the objective properties of the things, is usually some purely technical optimum of universal validity. He rarely sees that his preference for these particular methods is merely a result of the type of problem he has most frequently to solve, and justified only in particular social positions. Since the most common problem the builder of machines meets is to extract from given resources the maximum of power, with the machinery to be used as the variable under his control, this maximum utilization of power is set up as an absolute ideal, a value in itself.5 But there is, of course, no special merit economizing one of the many factors which limit the possible achievement, at the expense of others. The engineer's "technical optimum" proves frequently to be simply that method which it would be desirable to adopt if the supply of capital were unlimited, or the rate of interest were zero, which would indeed be a position in which we would aim at the highest possible rate of transformation of current input into current output. But to treat this as an immediate goal is to forget that such a state can be reached only by diverting for a long time resources which are wanted to serve current needs to the production of equipment. In other words, the engineer's ideal is based on the disregard of the most fundamental economic fact which determines our position here and now: the scarcity of capital. The rate of interest is, of course, only one, though the least understood and therefore the most disliked, of those prices which act as impersonal guides to which the engineer must submit if his plans are to fit into the pattern of activity of society as a whole, and against the restraint of which he chafes because they represent forces whose rationale he does not understand. It is one of those symbols in which the whole complex of human knowledge and wants is automatically (though by no means faultlessly) recorded, and to which the individual must pay attention if he wants to keep in step with the rest of the system. If, instead of using this information in the abridged form in which it is conveyed to him through the price system, he were to try in every instance to go back to the objective facts and take them consciously into consideration, this would be to dispense with the method which makes it possible for him to confine himself to the immediate circumstances and to substitute for it a method which requires that all this knowledge be collected in one center and explicitly and consciously embodied in a unitary plan. The application of engineering technique to the whole of society requires indeed that the director possess the same complete knowledge of the whole society that the engineer possesses of his limited world. Central economic planning is nothing but such an application of engineering principles to the whole of society based on the assumption that such a complete concentration of all relevant knowledge is possible.6 The Merchant Before we proceed to consider the significance of this conception of a rational organization of society, it will be useful to supplement the sketch of the typical outlook of the engineer by an even briefer sketch of the functions of the merchant or trader. This will not only further elucidate the nature of the problem of the utilization of knowledge dispersed among many people, but also help to explain the dislike which not only the engineer but our whole generation shows for all commercial activities, and the general preference that is now accorded to "production" compared to the activities which, somewhat misleadingly, are referred to as "distribution." Compared with the work of the engineer, that of the merchant is, in a sense, much more "social," i.e., interwoven with the free activities of other people. He contributes a step towards the achievement now of one end, now of another, and hardly ever is concerned with the complete process that serves a final need. What concerns him is not the achievement of a particular final result of the complete process in which he takes part, but the best use of the particular means of which he knows. His special knowledge is almost entirely knowledge of particular circumstances of time or place, or, perhaps, a technique of ascertaining those circumstances in a given field. But though this knowledge is not of a kind which can be formulated in generic propositions, or acquired once and for all, and though, in an age of science, it is for that reason regarded as knowledge of an inferior kind, it is for all practical purposes no less important than scientific knowledge. And while it is perhaps conceivable that all theoretical knowledge might be combined in the heads of a few experts and thus made available to a single central authority, it is this knowledge of the particular, of the fleeting circumstances of the moment and of local conditions, which will never exist otherwise than dispersed among many people. The knowledge of when a particular material or machine can be used most effectively or where they can be obtained most quickly or cheaply is quite as important for the solution of a particular task as the knowledge of what is the best material or machine for the purpose. The former kind of knowledge has little to do with the permanent properties of classes of things which the engineer studies, but is knowledge of a particular human situation. And it is as the person whose task is to take account of these facts that the merchant will constantly come into conflict with the ideals of the engineer, with whose plans he interferes and whose dislike he thereby contracts.7 The problem of securing an efficient use of our resources is thus very largely one of how that knowledge of the particular circumstances of the moment can be most effectively utilized; and the task which faces the designer of a rational order of society is to find a method whereby this widely dispersed knowledge may best be drawn upon. It is begging the question to describe this task, as is usually done, as one of effectively using the "available" resources to satisfy "existing" needs. Neither the "available" resources nor the "existing" needs are objective facts in the sense of those with which the engineer deals in his limited field: they can never be directly known in all relevant detail to a single planning body. Resources and needs exist for practical purposes only through somebody knowing about them, and there will always be infinitely more known to all the people together than can be known to the most competent authority.8 The Market A successful solution can therefore not be based on the authority dealing directly with the objective facts, but must be based on a method of utilizing the knowledge dispersed among all members of society, knowledge of which in any particular instance the central authority will usually know neither who possesses it nor whether it exists at all. It can therefore not be utilized by consciously integrating it into a coherent whole, but only through some mechanism which will delegate the particular decisions to those who possess it, and for that purpose supply them with such information about the general situation as will enable them to make the best use of the particular circumstances of which only they know. This is precisely the function which the various "markets" perform. Though every party in them will know only a small sector of all the possible sources of supply, or of the uses of, a commodity, yet, directly or indirectly, the parties are so interconnected that the prices register the relevant net results of all changes affecting demand or supply.9 It is as such an instrument for communicating to all those interested in a particular commodity the relevant information in an abridged and condensed form that markets and prices must be seen if we are to understand their function. They help to utilize the knowledge of many people without the need of first collecting it in a single body, and thereby make possible that combination of decentralization of decisions and mutual adjustment of these decisions which we find in a competitive system. In aiming at a result which must be based, not on a single body of integrated knowledge or of connected reasoning which the designer possesses, but on the separate knowledge of many people, the task of social organization differs fundamentally from that of organizing given material resources. The fact that no single mind can know more than a fraction of what is known to all individual minds sets limits to the extent to which conscious direction can improve upon the results of unconscious social processes. Man has not deliberately designed this process and has begun to understand it only long after it had grown up. But that something which not only does not rely on deliberate control for its working, but which has not even been deliberately designed, should bring about desirable results, which we might not be able to bring about otherwise, is a conclusion the natural scientist seems to find difficult to accept. It is because the moral sciences tend to show us such limits to our conscious control, while the progress of the natural sciences constantly extends the range of conscious control, that the natural scientist finds himself so frequently in revolt against the teaching of the moral sciences. Economics, in particular, after being condemned for employing methods different from those of the natural scientist, stands doubly condemned because it claims to show limits to the technique by which the natural scientists continuously extend our conquest and mastery of nature. The Planner It is this conflict with a strong human instinct, greatly strengthened in the person of the scientist and engineer, that makes the teaching of the moral sciences so very unwelcome. As Bertrand Russell has well described the position, the pleasure of planned construction is one of the most powerful motives in men who combine intelligence with energy; whatever can be constructed according to a plan, such man will endeavor to construct … the desire to create is not in itself idealistic since it is a form of the love of power, and while the power to create exists there will be men desirous of using this power even if unaided nature would produce a better result than any that can be brought about by deliberate intention.10 This statement occurs, however, at the beginning of a chapter, significantly headed "Artificially Created Societies," in which Russell himself seems to support these tendencies by arguing that "no society can be regarded as fully scientific unless it has been created deliberately with a certain structure to fulfill certain purposes."11 As this statement will be understood by most readers, it expresses concisely that scientistic philosophy which through its popularizers has done more to create the present trend towards socialism than all the conflicts between economic interests which, though they raise a problem, do not necessarily indicate a particular solution. Of the majority of the intellectual leaders of the socialist movement, at least, it is probably true to say that they are socialists because socialism appears to them, as A. Bebel, the leader of the German Social Democratic movement defined it sixty years ago, as "science applied in clear awareness and with full insight to all fields of human activity."12 The proof that the program of socialism actually derives from this kind of scientistic philosophy must be reserved for the detailed historical studies. At present our concern is mainly to show to what extent sheer intellectual error in this field may profoundly affect all prospects of humanity. What the people who are so unwilling to renounce any of the powers of conscious control seem to be unable to comprehend is that this renunciation of conscious power, power which must always be power by men over other men, is for society as a whole only an apparent resignation, a self-denial individuals are called upon to exercise in order to increase the powers of the race, to release the knowledge and energies of the countless individuals that could never be utilized in a society consciously directed from the top. The great misfortune of our generation is that the direction which by the amazing progress of the natural sciences has been given to its interests is not one which assists us in comprehending the larger process of which as individuals we form merely a part or in appreciating how we constantly contribute to a common effort without either directing it or submitting to orders of others. To see this requires a kind of intellectual effort different in character from that necessary for the control of material things, an effort in which the traditional education in the "humanities" gave at least some practice, but for which the now predominant types of education seem less and less to prepare. The more our technical civilization advances and the more, therefore, the study of things as distinct from the study of men and their ideas qualifies for the more important and influential positions, the more significant becomes the gulf that separates two different types of mind: the one represented by the man whose supreme ambition is to turn the world round him into an enormous machine, every part of which, on his pressing a button, moves according to his design; and the other represented by the man whose main interest is the growth of the human mind in all its aspects, who in the study of history or literature, the arts or the law, has learned to see the individuals as part of a process in which his contribution is not directed but spontaneous, and where he assists in the creation of something greater than he or any other single mind can ever plan for. It is this awareness of being part of a social process, and of the manner in which individual efforts interact, which the education solely in the sciences or in technology seems so lamentably to fail to convey. It is not surprising that many of the more active minds among those so trained sooner or later react violently against the deficiencies of their education and develop a passion for imposing on society the order which they are unable to detect by the means with which they are familiar. Conclusion In conclusion it is, perhaps, desirable to remind the reader once more that all we have said here is directed solely against a misuse of science, not against the scientist in the special field where he is competent, but against the application of his mental habits in fields where he is not competent. There is no conflict between our conclusions and those of legitimate science. The main lesson at which we have arrived is indeed the same as that which one of the acutest students of scientific method has drawn from a survey of all fields of knowledge: it is that "the great lesson of humility which science teaches us, that we can never be omnipotent or omniscient, is the same as that of all great religions: man is not and never will be the god before whom he must bow down."13 This article is excerpted from The Counter-revolution of Science, pp. 94–102. 1.Once again, one of the best illustrations of this tendency is provided by K. Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction, 1940, particularly pp. 240–244, where he explains that functionalism made its first appearance in the field of the natural sciences, and could be described as the technical point of view. It has only recently been transferred to the social sphere … Once this technical approach was transferred from natural sciences to human affairs, it was bound to bring about a profound change in man himself. The functional approach no longer regards ideas and moral standards as absolute values, but as products of the social process which can, if necessary, be changed by scientific guidance combined with political practice … The extension of the doctrine of technical supremacy which I have advocated in this book is in my opinion inevitable … Progress in the technique of organization is nothing but the application of technical conceptions to the forms of co-operation. A human being, regarded as part of the social machine, is to a certain extent stabilized in his reactions by training and education, and all his recently acquired activities are coordinated according to a definite principle of efficiency within an organized framework. 2.The best description of this feature of the engineering approach by an engineer which I have been able to find occurs in a speech of the great German optical engineer Ernst Abbe: "Wie der Architekt ein Bauwerk, bevor eine Hand zur Ausführung sich rührt, schon im Geist vollendet hat, nur unter Beihilfe von Zeichenstift und Feder zur Fixierung seiner Idee, so muß auch das komplizierte Gebilde von Glas und Metal sich aufbauen lassen rein verstandesmassig, in allen Elementen bis ins letzte vorausbestimmt, in rein geistiger Arbeit, durch theoretische Ermittlung der Wirkung aller Teile, bevor diese Teile noch körperlich ausgeführt sind. Der arbeitenden Hand darf dabei keine andere Funktion mehr verbleiben als die genaue Verwirklichung der durch die Rechnungen bestimmten Formen und Abmessungen aller Konstruktionselemente, und der praktischen Erfahrung keine andere Aufgabe als die Beherrschung der Methoden und Hilfsmittel, die für letzteres, die körperliche Verwirklichung, geeignet sind" (quoted by Franz Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, vol. Ill, 1934, p. 222 — a work which is a mine of information on this as on all other matters of the intellectual history of Germany in the nineteenth century). 3.It would take too long here to explain in any detail why, whatever delegation or division of labor is possible in preparing an engineering "blueprint," it is very limited and differs in essential respects from the division of knowledge on which the impersonal social processes rest. It must suffice to point out that not only must the precise nature of the result be fixed which anyone who has to draw up part of an engineering plan must achieve, but also that, in order to make such delegation possible, it must be known that the result can be achieved at no more than a certain maximum cost. 4.The most persistent advocate of such in natura calculation is, significantly, Dr. Otto Neurath, the protagonist of modern "physicalism" and "objectivism." 5.Cf. the characteristic passage in B. Bavinck, The Anatomy of Modern Science (trans, from the 4th German edition by H.S. Hatfield), 1932, p. 564: "When our technology is still at work on the problem of transforming heat into work in a manner better than that possible with our present-day steam and other heat engines…, this is not directly done to cheapen production of energy, but first of all because it is an end in itself to increase the thermal efficiency of a heat engine as much as possible. If the problem set is to transform heat into work, then this must be done in such a way that the greatest possible fraction of the heat is so transformed…. The ideal of the designer of such machines is therefore the efficiency of the Carnot cycle, the ideal process which delivers the greatest theoretical efficiency." It is easy to see why this approach, together with the desire to achieve a calculation in natura, leads engineers so frequently to the construction of systems of "energetics" that it has been said, with much justice, that "das Charakteristikum der Weltanschauung des Ingenieurs ist die energetische Weltanschauung" (L. Brinkmann, Der Ingenieur, Frankfurt, 1908, p. 16). We have already referred (above p. 41) to this characteristic manifestation of scientistic "objectivism," and there is no space here to return to it in greater detail. But it deserves to be recorded how widespread and typical this view is and how great the influence it has exercised. E. Solvay, G. Ratzenhofer, W. Ostwaldt, P. Geddes, F. Soddy, H. G. Wells, the "Technocrats" and L. Hogben are only a few of the influential authors in whose works "energetics" play a more or less prominent role. There are several studies of this movement in French and German (Nyssens, L'énergétique, Brussels, 1908; G. Barnich, Principes de politique positive basee sur l'énergétique sociale de Solvay, Brussels, 1918; Schnehen, Energetische Weltanschauung, 1907; A. Dochmann, F. W. Ostwald's Energetik, Bern, 1908; and the best, Max Weber, "Energetische Kulturtheorien," 1909, reprinted in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre, 1922), but none of them adequate and none, to my knowledge, in English. The section from the work of Bavinck from which a passage has been quoted above condenses the gist of the enormous literature, mostly German, on the "philosophy of technology" which has had a wide circulation and of which the best known is E. Zschimmer, Philosophie der Technik, 3rd ed., Stuttgart, 1933. (Similar ideas pervade the well-known American works of Lewis Mumford.) This German literature is very instructive as a psychological study, though otherwise about the dreariest mixture of pretentious platitudes and revolting nonsense which it has ever been the ill fortune of the present author to peruse. Its common feature is the enmity towards all economic considerations, the attempted vindication of purely technological ideals, and the glorification of the organization of the whole of society on the principle on which a single factory is run. (On the last point see particularly F. Dessauer, Philosophie der Technik, Bonn, 1927, p. 129.) 6.That this is fully recognized by its advocates is shown by the popularity among all socialists from Saint-Simon to Marx and Lenin, of the phrase that the whole of society should be run in precisely the same manner as a single factory is now being run. Cf. V.I. Lenin, The State and Revolution (1917), "Little Lenin Library," 1933, p. 78. "The whole of society will have become a single office and a single factory with equality of work and equality of pay"; and for Saint-Simon and Marx, p. 121 above and note 72 to Part II. 7.Cf. now on these problems my essay on "The Use of Knowledge in Society," American Economic Review, XXXV, No. 4 (September, 1945), reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order, Chicago, 1948, pp. 77-91. 8.It is important to remember in this connection that the statistical aggregates which it is often suggested the central authority could rely upon in its decisions, are always arrived at by a deliberate disregard of the peculiar circumstances of time and place. 9.Cf. in this connection the suggestive discussion of the problem in K. F. Mayer, Goldwanderungen, Jena, 1935, pp. 66-68, and also the present author's article "Economics and Knowledge" in Economica, February, 1937, reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order, Chicago, 1948, pp. 33-56. 10.The Scientific Outlook, 1931, p. 211. 11.Ibid., p. 211. The passage quoted could be interpreted in an unobjectionable sense if "certain purposes" is taken to mean not particular predetermined results but as capacity to provide what the individuals at any time wish — i.e., if what is planned is a machinery which can serve many ends and need not in turn be "consciously" directed towards a particular end. 12.A. Bebel, Die Frau und der Sozialismus, 13th ed., 1892, p. 376. "Der Sozialismus ist die mit klarem Bewusstsein and mit voller Erkenntnis auf alle Gebiete menschlicher Taetigkeit angewandte Wissenschaft." Cf. also E. Ferri, Socialism and Positive Science (trans, from the Italian edition of 1894). The first clearly to see this connection seems to have been M. Ferraz, Socialisme, Naturalisme et Positivisme, Paris, 1877 13.M.R. Cohen, Reason and Nature, 1931, p. 449. It is significant that one of the leading members of the movement with which we are concerned, the German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach, explicitly chose the opposite principle, homo homini Deus, as his guiding maxim. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------