매일신문 '꼬리 자르기?' 노정희 중앙선관위, 선거정책실장·선거국장 교체 김세환 전 사무총장 사퇴 이어 추가 인적 쇄신 조치 노정희 위원장 '6.1 지방선거' 관리 맡을듯 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 파이낸스투데이 사퇴거부 노정희 선관위원장, 알고보니 4.15총선 제보자에 실형 선고한 판사 인세영 판사가 선관위원장에 임명되는 관행 당장 바꿔야 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 뉴시스 순천시, 소상공인 재난지원금 전국 최고 지급 --->헬리콥터로 뿌리는 대신 저렇게 돈을 뿌리고 있었구먼! --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 연합뉴스 정부 "코로나19 감염병 등급 1급→2급 하향조정 논의"(종합) aqua**** 하루에 400명씩 사망하고 40만, 60만명씩 걸리는 질병을 2등급으로 하향한다고? 대국민 사과하고 질병청장 정은경은 당장 경질하라 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 이데일리 靑 옮긴다는 윤석열…고민정 "코로나로 경제도 어려운데" sung**** 코로나도 경제도 어려우니 국회의원 사퇴하세요 세금 아끼게 ^^ rkte**** 청 옮기는건 잘하는지 모르겠지만 코로나로 경제도 어려운데 문재인은 나라 빚 1000조 만들었는데?? ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 채널A [단독]尹 당선인, ‘공공기관·공무원 규모’ 모두 줄인다 문재인 정부 5년간 정부 부처 산하 공공기관은 한국보건의료정보원, 한국탄소산업진흥원, 한국제품안전관리원 등 18개가 늘어 350개에 달합니다. 지자체 산하 공공기관은 118개가 새로 만들어졌습니다. 인수위는 공공기관을 단계적으로 줄여나가기로 가닥을 잡았습니다. cms5**** 현 정권에서 늘린 수만은 공무원, 전부 줄이고 특히 철저한 감사로 위법부당한자는 피면과동시, 연금도 박탈해 국민에 부담을 줄여야! 대책은? 1, 과증설된 부처나 실국, 지자체 실국을 폐지하면 공무원 임용법에의거 부처나 실국, 즉 근무처가 폐지되면 해당근무 공무원은 자동 해직한다! 는 근거로 축소시키고, 특히 이번 선관위처럼 부정? 부실 선거를 진행한자는 모두 징계에 감축시켜야! 또한 국회 보좌관 2명 이내로! 지자체장 임의지권채용 삭재하고, 총무및 의전팀 감축! 작은정부가 국가를 살리고 국민 부담을 줄인다! --->공무원의 반을 줄여도 될 만큼 지금 공무원은 너무 많고, 대부분이 국민의 혈세를 빨아먹는 거머리들이다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 알레프1/ 일베댓글 아직도 현장에서 장난치는게 부정선거의 핵심인 줄 아는 사람들이 많네 선관위 중앙 서버에 보정값 코딩으로 얼마든지 조정할 수 있는데 보정값 코드는 코딩하는 놈 2명만이 안댄다. 이 2놈이 맘만 먹으면 누구라도 당선시킬 수 있어. 선관위 보정값 코드를 투명하게 공개하지 않으면 백날 난리쳐봐야 헛수고야 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 아직 사회주의 망령에 시달리고 있는 이집트 Egypt Is Still Haunted By Its Ghosts of Socialism Ahmed Khalifa It has been more than fifty years since Egyptian strongman Gamal Abdel Nasser died, but his unfortunate legacy of imposing socialism on Egypt still harms the nation and its economy. 이집트의 나세르 대통령이 사망한지 50년이 넘에 흘렀다. 하지만 그가 이집트에 강요했던 사회주의라는 불행한 유산은 아직도 국가와 경제에 해를 끼치고 있다. ---> 아직도 국민의 주식인 빵값을 통제하고 있으니 사회주의의 잔재를 알만 하다. 한국도 김대중과 노무현 등이 뿌린 사회주의의 씨가 지금은 숲으로 변해버리지 않았던가? Egypt is considered a former socialist state and a country where the tentacles of Marxism can still be found, buried deep within almost every institution, something I have observed having lived there many decades. As I watch and listen to so-called leftists and socialist activists from Europe and North America preach about the need for wealth redistribution and the benign merits of Marxist ideologies, I wonder: What, exactly, are they talking about? Experience with socialism outweighs the ideologies of Marxism. In Egypt, after the 1952 coup d’état and the overthrow of Farouk I, Egypt became a republic. Within four years, Gamal Abdel Nasser, one of the leaders of the revolution, had overthrown President Mohammed Neguib, the people’s favorite, and imprisoned him. Nasser declared himself president in 1956, and soon after, started presenting himself as the new spiritual leader of the entire Arab world, the champion of the proletariat, and the bringer of socialist justice to Egypt, which he described as “the land of the half percent,” meaning that only half a percent of the population controlled the entire wealth of the nation, an incendiary and untrue statement. As the years wore on, Nasser’s policies became harsher and more dictatorial, with vicious treatment of the upper and middle classes, sweeping nationalization, which led to various economic problems, and the complete takeover of mass media, including establishing a censorship bureau whose sole purpose was to vet every movie and TV script before production and make sure it stayed within the guidelines suggested by Nasser and his ministers. This included deleting any mention of King Farouk, as well as depicting any member of the Pasha (the Egyptian equivalent of the British peerage or knighthood), or any upper-class person, for that matter, in a favorable light. For example, two of the most celebrated Egyptian films of the era were A Woman’s Youth, released in 1956, which is about a rich society woman who turns an innocent young peasant into a gigolo; and The Nightingale’s Prayer, released in 1959, which centers on the rape of a poor peasant girl by a rich industrialist. During Nasser’s era, intellectuals were tried and imprisoned, and class friction poisoned society, mainly due to Nasser’s rousing speeches about the exploitation of the poor by the bourgeois. Fear and paranoia pervaded everyday life, as citizens dreaded the visits from the Salah Nasr patrol, or “The Dawn Patrol,” agents of the state who arrested dissidents at dawn. Those arrested would be imprisoned and tortured, and some disappeared altogether. Over time, it became clear to many that Nasser’s idol was Joseph Stalin, whose playbook Nasser openly admired. While there were no gulags nor sweeping genocide in Egypt, there was terror, ruthlessness, and borderline fascism, things Egypt had not experienced before, not even under the most brutal of colonial regimes. More than fifty years after the death of Nasser and the fall of his socialist regime, Egypt is still haunted by the ghosts of socialism. Even today, Nasser remains the most revered of Egypt’s former presidents. Protesters at the 2011 revolution carried large posters of Nasser, and the term “Nasserist” is still being used today in lieu of the term “socialist.” The ideas that Nasser popularized and institutionalized in 1956, mainly that the wealthy and the imperialists are solely to blame for Egypt’s ills and that socialism is the answer to all socioeconomic problems, remain popular to this day, especially among youths of all classes. This has resulted in a society that is mired in bureaucracy, class resentment, and a destructive resistance to change and innovation. Since the 2011 revolution, class envy has risen dramatically in Egypt. Pop songs make fun of the rich, and TV showrunners are back to old Nasserist tricks, with stories about the abused working class, and the exploitative bourgeois. This is not surprising, since a large portion of the programming being produced in the Arab world today comes from production companies based in Dubai, a country whose elite is almost exclusively educated in private international universities, which are supervised by radical leftist professors from Britain, the United States, and Canada. The publishing arm of the American University in Cairo, the AUC Press, has published a number of books about Nasser, almost all of them hagiographies, like Nasser’s Blessed Movement (2017). There is not, however, a single volume about President Anwar Sadat’s achievements. Once the seeds of socialism are sowed, it’s very hard to get rid of their poisonous fruits, even after many decades. Like Sadat once said about post-Nasser Egypt, “Nasser has left me a legacy of resentment so big, I still can’t find a way to deal with it.” And fifty-plus years after Nasser’s death, Egypt still can’t find a way to deal with his destructive legacy. Author: Ahmed Khalifa Ahmed Khalifa is a filmmaker, best-selling author, and podcaster