조선일보 北 코로나 치명률 0.0036% 미스터리... 전문가 “상식적으로 말 안돼” “백신 없는 나라...처벌 피하려 축소했을 것” 김정은 “건국 이래 첫 방역 시련” 질타 --->저게 사실이라면 코로나는 역사적인 거짓말이 된다. 그리고 백신은 역사상 가장 규모가 큰 의약품 사기다. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- LA 시사논평 / 충격! 윤석열, 이렇게 국가개조한다 / 518과 의회주의, 그 무서운 음모는? / 김건희의 https://youtu.be/GN66L-Gjb3Y ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [헤럴드경제=한지숙 기자] 러시아 국영TV가 우크라이나 전쟁에서 러시아가 불리하다는 군사 전문가의 말을 그대로 전하는 등 반대 목소리도 나와 주목된다. 17일(현지시간) 로이터통신과 영국 더 타임스 등에 따르면 러시아 유명 군사 전문가인 미하일 호다료녹 전 대령은 전날 밤 친정부 매체인 로시야1의 토크쇼 '60분'에 출연해 러시아가 완전히 고립됐으며, 우크라이나 전황은 더 불리해질 것이라고 말했다. 호다료녹 전 대령은 "솔직히 말하면 상황은 우리에게 안 좋아질 것"이라며 "사실상 세계가 우리의 반대편에 섰다"고 말했다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 민경욱 일장기 도장 부정선거 재판 근황.JPG 홍어새끼아웃 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11415239200 민경욱 TV3시간 전 <일장기 투표지가 부정선거의 빼박 증거인 이유> 1. "송도2동 제6투표소 관리관의 인"이라는 도장 내용이 안 보인다. 2. 1,974명이 투표한 투표소에서 일장기 투표지가 과반수인 1,000장이나 나왔다. 3. "인주 없이 도장을 찍는 만년도장인데 그걸 모르고 인주를 묻혀서 찍는 바람에 그렇게 됐다"는 선관위 설명은 거짓말이다. 한 번 잘못 찍었다면 다음 번에는 도장을 닦고 인주 없이 찍는 게 상식적이다. 4. 그날 일장기 투표지가 1,000장이나 나왔는데 투표한 사람 그 누구도 잘못 도장이 찍혔으니 바꿔달라고 요구하거나 항의하지 않았다. 5. 투표일에 벌어지는 모든 특이사항을 기록하는 투표록에 일장기 투표지 관련 언급이 전혀 없다. 고로 투표장에 없던 투표지다. 6. 개표일에 벌어지는 모든 특이사항을 기록하는 개표록에 일장기 투표지 관련 언급이 전혀 없다. 고로 개표장에 없던 투표지다. 그런 투표용지가 재검표할 때만 나왔다. 7. 개표장에서 이런 표가 발견됐다면 당연히 무효로 처리됐어야 하지만 일장기 투표지들은 재검표할 때 유효표 무더기에서 발견됐다. 8. 일장기 투표지에 투표한 사람에게 10억 원을 주겠다고 조선일보, 문화일보, 매일경제에 전면광고를 냈지만 아무도 나오지 않았다. 9. 그 도장을 찍었어야 할 사람은 공무원이다. 공무원이 그렇게 얼빵하게 일하지 않는다. 10. 그 공무원은 선관위 직원에게 자신은 "일장기 도장을 찍지도 않았고 그런 걸 본 적도 없다"고 말했다. 11. 대법원이 그 중요한 증인을 법정에 출석시켜 증언을 들으려 했으나 선관위가 그의 주소를 알려주지 않으며 증인의 출석을 완강히 막고 있다. 3줄 요약: 송도에서 관리관 날인 칸에 저런 일장기 도장이 찍힌 투표지가 전체의 절반 이상 발견됨. 선관위는 온갖 변경으로 일관하다가 도장을 찍은 공무원이 "나는 그런 도장 찍은 적 없고, 그 투표지를 본 적도 없다."고 하자 발칵 뒤집힘. 그 공무원을 증인으로 부르려고 하니까 엉뚱한 주소 알려주면서 재판 훼방놓고 있는 상황. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 속보) 시진핑, 건강 이상 발생 크니 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11415112075 https://link.fmkorea.org/link.php?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.newsweek.com%2Fchina-xi-jinping-health-aneurysm-rumors-zero-covid-1707184&lnu=1325985077&mykey=MDAwMTIwMjM3ODIzMA== 영국의 보도에 따르면, 흡연자인 시진핑은(68세) 뇌동맥류 진단을 받았지만 위험 때문에 수술을 거부했다고 한다. 보도에 따르면, 국가 원수는 중국 전통 약품으로 치료를 선택했다. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-10816327/Chinas-leader-Xi-Jinping-suffering-brain-aneurysm-snub-new-medicine-reports-claim.html 시진핑이 뇌동맥을 치료하기 위해 수술하지 않을 것이라고 중국 언론이 보도했다 그는 지난해 말 의사들이 그의 뇌에서 부풀어 오른 혈관을 발견한 후 병원으로 급히 옮겨 졌다고 ANI 통신이 보도했다 관찰자들은 2020년 첫 번째 코비드 웨이브 동안 선전에서 군중에게 연설하면서 그의 느린 말과 기침에 주목했다. 민탱 @min_tank_ 오늘자 인민일보 (중국공산당 기관지)에 시진핑이 없습니다. 그 자리를 채운 것은 리커창입니다. 어쩌면 항간에 떠도는 소문이 맞는지도 모르겠네요. 첫 기사가 리커창이 줄곧 주장해온 경제안정입니다 가장 결정적인건 파키스탄 총리와의 통화를 리커창이 한다는 것은 말이 안됩니다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 서울경제 文 지시한 4대강 보(洑) 개방... 3년 만에 수질은 더 나빠졌다 환경부 보 개방 관측 결과 공개 BOD 등 수질 지표 오히려 더 악화 지하수 이용도 어려워져 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ “국힘, 5·18민주화운동 유공자 ‘국가유공자’ 격상 검토” 일베고양이 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11415261334 국민의힘이 5·18 민주화운동 유공자를 국가유공자로 격상하는 안을 검토 중인 것으로 알려졌다. 이 경우 5·18 유공자는 무공훈장 수훈자, 등과 같은 대우를 받게 될 전망이다. https://n.news.naver.com/mnews/article/088/0000758585?sid=100 --->민주는 당연하지만 국힘 개자식들도 다 좌파들이다. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 논란의 공기업 성평등 교육.jpg 벚꽃휘날리는오사카성 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11415263046 Q : 성매매를 선택한 것은 여성이다? 정답 : X "여자가 매춘을 하는 것은 선택권이 없는 상황에서의 어쩔 수 없는 선택"이기 때문... 여자는 잘못이 없다구욧!! 수료를 위해선 X를 눌러야 하는 게 현실... ㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡㅡ 이런 논리면 살인범.성폭행범등 범죄자들 모두 나름의 면죄부를 받겠네? 불우한 환경에서 폭력적인 부모의 영향으로 삐뚤어진 가치관이 형성되었고 부족한 교육기회로 제대로 된 일자리를 못구해 경제적 어려움에 처해 선택권이 없어서 뭐 어쩌고 저쩌고... 창녀는 죄가 없당께ㅋㅋㅋㅋ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 정부의 무용을 역설한 경제학자 세이 장 바티스트 세이는 세이의 법칙으로 유명한 경제학자이다. 세이는 또한 구스타브 드 몰리나리Gustave De Molinari에 앞서, 정부가 없는 사회가 가능하다고 생각했다. 세이는 그의 책 에서 사회의 공급은 사회를 구성하는 개인들에 의해 확보될 수 있다고 주장했다. 그는 사회의 분석을 통해 정부는 사회 구성의 필수적인 부분이 아니라고 지적했다. 세이는 1819년에 글을 쓰면서 그 전에 30년간 정부가 거의 존재하지 않았는데, 그때 오히려 사회의 기능은 아주 원활했다고 말한다. 그는 또한 미국 켄터키 주의 정부가 없는 개척지에서도 같은 현상을 볼 수 있다고 말한다. 세이에 따르면 사회에서 모든 생산적인 기업은 국가가 아닌 개인들에 의해 창조된다고 말한다. 세이는 사회의 제 1 조건은 사유재산인데, 이유는 사유재산이 생존을 위한 생산을 조장하기 때문이다. 그는 경찰 같은 공공 행정의 분야에서도 경쟁의 원리를 도입해 기업들에게 맡겨야 한다고 주장했다. 세이는 반복해서 정부가 없을 때 가장 잘 통치된다고 말한다. Was Jean-Baptiste Say a Market Anarchist? Amadeus Gabriel Jean-Baptiste is certainly best known for his famous Law of Markets (la loi des débouchés) also referred to as Say's Law. Though Say's Law is one of the key points of the classical school of economics, the manner in which this obvious proposition has been distorted and misinterpreted in a significant number of economic textbooks as well as in lectures of certified professors of economics is simply perplexing. As a consequence, Say's achievements are often abridged to some incoherent assertion that "supply creates its own demand."1 But Jean-Baptiste Say has much more to offer than his Law of Markets. Actually, he had already conceived a society without government long before Gustave De Molinari, who is often considered as being "the first writer to draw the conclusion that government could, in effect, be replaced by competing companies or agencies offering to provide security and protection."2 It is my endeavor to show that Say was conscious of the shortcomings of governmental services in terms of the security and organization of society as such.3 In the third session of his Cours à l'Athénée,4 Say explains that the supply of society is assured by the individuals who actually compose it. Furthermore, he notes that the disposal of capital is due to the private savings and precaution of individuals who, rather than destroying their savings, build their savings with the intention of creating new products. Likewise, he considers how these products come into the hands of those who need them, concluding that this is the result of interpersonal exchanges. As a result of this conclusion, he raises the following final question: Have we found the government in this analysis up to now?5 Again, he provides an answer: No. And the reason of this is the fact that government is not at all an essential part of the social organization.6 Thus, society could work without government management if people carried out their business and let other people carry out their business at the same time. Say underlines his position by giving some historical examples. Writing in 1819, he observes that at times during the previous thirty years, France had found itself in a situation in which all the authorities were suddenly halted. In these critical moments, no government was at all existent. And what does Say observe? During these periods, the essential functions of the social body could not have been carried out in a better way: everything worked, better than would have normally been the case. Say states that the worst occurred in times when people were too much governed. Endeavoring to strengthen his position, he brings up another example, this time from overseas. In Kentucky, there are "cantons" in which one family would settle and take root, after which another family would move into the area, and so forth until the formation of villages occurred. There were houses, clothes, and food, and the people were better nourished than many households in the rue Jean-pain-mollet7 and yet there was no government. His observations lead him to declare that one can not only conceive a society without government but one can actually see it; the only problem is the journey overseas. Likewise, Say correctly argues that social life is not in the government but in the governed. As a consequence, the old representations of the state as a family and the chief executive of the administration as the father are not accurate at all. According to Say, all productive enterprises are created by individuals in society, not by the state. It is the responsibility of productive enterprise to support the continuity of families, the components of society. Likewise, if there are government officials in the society, they exist at the people's expense. Only those who refuse to acknowledge this reality can still represent the state under the emblem of the family and public authority as an image of paternal power. Furthermore, Say attacks the role of the government in commerce. He denounces those who pretend that government would have a favorable influence by asking what could be more favorable than a man's privacy as well as his liberty. Say emphasizes that the primary condition of society is private property, given that it encourages production which is necessary in order to exist. Therefore, if one transgresses the natural law of private property (including the harm of human beings, self-ownership being the most incontestable form of property), the entire social body will take action against the aggressor. But since the involvement of the whole people would be disproportionate to the aim sought, it is necessary to charge persons with the responsibility of guaranteeing the respect for the fundamental law of private property. It is worth mentioning that Say explicitly qualifies the government as not being useless (while also not essential) with regard to the protection of private property. It is in another essay that Say conceives the idea of private security, on Practical Politics.8 The respect of private property and persons is necessary for the correct functioning of society. For this, it is only necessary to abandon the police to the society.9 As Say writes: Whether a man beats a woman in the streets or a thief breaks into a store; the whole society will apprehend the delinquent … in the case of a dispute between two merchants: both of them nominate the judges. The judges pronounce and the point of contention is put aside.10 But there are other dangers that could occur. For instance, an isolated traveler could be attacked, thus, nobody comes to his rescue. "Is this the justification for a police corps composed of thirty thousand persons?" Say wonders. He proposes to entrust the security services that cannot be executed on one's own to a company and to withdraw their responsibilities in the case in which they are not able to protect an individual against some attacks or, at least, to find the culprit. He underlines this point by proposing the introduction of the principle of competition in the field of public administration, i.e., ascribe these functions to those companies who could exercise them with the highest efficiency and the smallest costs. One quickly recognizes the similarity with Molinari's "government could, in effect, be replaced by competing companies or agencies offering to provide security and protection." A little bit further in his essay, Say repeats again that nobody is better governed than in the absence of government. Society is composed of different professions having different functions. One of these functions is the protection or security of an individual and his rights. Thus, security is a profession like that of restoring the health of an individual in case of disease. This argument enforces Say's position of providing security with the aid of private enterprises. However, one could still say that the problem of an invasion by a stranger persists. Say argues that there are no historical examples of successful invasion against a people, given only two conditions: the absence of a threatening and permanent army; and a citizenry of individuals heavily armed and eager to defend the institutions of the society in which they live. Likewise, he strengthens his position by giving an example of the Romans: The Romans were invaded by the Gauls and Hannibal. This would not have been the case if the provinces had been populated by citizens and not by slaves.11 This final statement by Say extinguishes remaining doubts that he considered the possibility of a purely private society. His insights on this particular field of study are precious and leave some room for further elaboration, but his writings make clear that he not only considered society separate from the state, but actually entertained the possibility of a stateless society. This article was originally published March 28, 2007. 1.For a correct exposition of Say's Law, see Say's biography at mises.org. 2.Amongst others: "Remembering Gustav de Molinari." 3.This article is greatly inspired by the writings of Philippe Steiner who is co-editor of the compilation of Say's Oeuvres Complètes (Paris: Economica, 2003) and the author of some precious contributions on Say in the recently published Histoire du Libéralisme (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2006) which I strongly recommend to every francophile reader. 4.These lectures were given in 1819 which is also the year in which Gustave De Molinari was born. The Athénée was a private school founded in 1781. With the arrival of Jean-Baptiste Say, political economy began to be taught (Marivault, Auguste Walras and others succeded Say). The lectures were as an introduction to economics for the "profanes," (lay people). 5.2003. Oeuvres Complètes, IV. Leçons d'Economie Politique, p. 101. 6.2003. Oeuvres Complètes, IV. Leçons d'Economie Politique, p. 101. 7.The editors of Say's Oeuvres Complètes did not find the origins of this expression. 8.2003. Oeuvres Complètes, V.Oeuvres morales et politiques, p. 324–327, p. 484. These manuscripts were written in the beginning of the 19th century. Jean-Baptiste was already a highly reputable economist at the time (his treatise having been published in 1803) and was very prudent in that he avoided publishing these manuscripts. As such, it was not until after his death that they were finally published. 9.This is a word-by-word translation of the sentence in Old French. It underlines his position very clearly. 10.2003. Oeuvres Complètes, V. Oeuvres morales et politiques, p. 324. No literal translation. 11.2003. Oeuvres Complètes, V. Oeuvres morales et politiques, p. 325. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------