2021년 3월 16일 화요일
문떼떼
김여정이 문죄인에게 붙여준 별명. 입에 착 달라붙는다.
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조선일보
윤희숙 “文, 사과는커녕 국민성 탓… 정신세계 어쩌면 좋냐”
john****
뭘 기대합니까.....달나라 대통령에 정상적인 정신세계를 기대하는 것 자체가 사치입니다.
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도대체 누가 대통령인가: 사회주의에 장악된 백악관과 청와대
닥터리와 아이들
https://youtu.be/DuwGInW81jw
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清冠一號(NRICM101)
대만에서 개발된 우한 폐렴 치료약인데, 정작 대만에서는 살 수가 없고 외국에서나 판다고 한다.
청관 1호의 구성과 양은 다음과 같다.
黃芩(Scutellaria Root)18.75克(5錢)
魚腥草(Heartleaf Houttuynia)18.75克(5錢)
栝蔞實(Mongolian Snakegourd Fruit)18.75克(5錢)
北板藍根(Indigowoad Root)18.75克(5錢)
厚朴(Magnolia Bark)11.25克(3錢)
薄荷(Peppermint Herb)11.25克(3錢)
荊芥(Fineleaf Nepeta)11.25克(3錢)
桑葉(Mulberry Leaf)11.25克(3錢)
防風(Saposhnikovia Root)7.50克(2錢)
炙甘草(baked Liquorice Root)7.50克(2錢)
이상은 성인이 하루에 복용하는 양이다. 효과가 우수하다고 한다.
熱線追蹤 - 防疫中藥 清冠一號
https://youtu.be/aPbYrq_rlXM / 관련 보도
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콘테이너 부족 사태가 미중 무역에 대해 알려주는 것
중국에서 미국으로 향하는 화물이 300% 폭등했다.
중국은 최근 미국 채권을 매입하지 않고, 유라시아와 아프리카의 71개국을 포함하고, 세계 인구의 2/3를 어우르며, 세계 지디피의 1/3을 생산하는 일대일로 사업에 투자하고 있다.
미국은 소비를 통해 부채를 쌓아가고 있는 반면, 중국은 미국과의 교역에서 얻은 이익을 자국의 지위를 강화하고 미국의 패권에 도전하는 자산을 만들어가고 있다.
What the Shipping Container Shortage Reveals about US-China Trade
Weimin Chen
Despite the record unemployment rate, widespread hardship to businesses, strains on the healthcare system, political turmoil, and general disruption to daily life in 2020, US consumers have managed to ramp up their habit of buying things. Demand for physical goods replaced some of the previous demand for in-person service-related experiences and much of that demand was met with a surge of imports from China as domestic production slowed down due to lockdown measures. Up until recently, global supply chains managed to find their footing and could meet demand, but news has emerged that reveals stresses on the world’s shipping infrastructure and uncovers clues about the economic outlook.
Container Shortage and Chinese Exports
Global logistical networks recently began to suffer from a shortage of shipping containers as demand has suddenly risen. Freight rates from China to the US have jumped by 300%. The container situation has become so extreme that hundreds of thousands of containers have been sent off empty from US ports, mostly to China as exporters demand empty containers with increasing urgency. An estimated 177,938 containers, were rejected from loading US export items at the ports of Los Angeles and New York/New Jersey alone and then sent across the Pacific.
The recent imbalance of shipping containers illustrates the latest state of affairs surrounding the US and Chinese economies. As exports of consumer goods from Asia eclipse exports of mostly commodity and raw materials from the US—in this case, even blocking US agricultural exports from having shipping containers to reach foreign markets—the trade deficit between the two countries may become more important to these highly competitive economies.
When Trade Deficits Matter
The Austrian perspective on the US trade deficit has long been that given the continued relative productivity of the US economy, foreign desires to invest in the US, and demand for the dollar abroad, the trade deficit is a ‘pseudo-problem.’ The US competitive advantage vis-à-vis other countries in recent decades has made running a trade deficit highly probable and even favorable for Americans as they enjoy the consumption of cheaper imports.
Thus far, the parties involved have been satisfied with this arrangement as US consumers bring in goods at favorable prices and producers receive a reliably stable world reserve currency: the US dollar. However, the underlying conditions particular to the US economy in relation to China may be changing. There are two aspects of the US-China trade deficit that merit attention. The first is the effect of net consumption by the US coupled with dovish monetary and fiscal policies whereas the second is what China plans to do with US dollars accumulated through exports.
On the US side of the equation, easy money from the central bank coupled with fiscal stimulus extended to consumers has juiced buying activity as the lockdowns have forced people to stay home and spend. It’s no wonder that shipping containers are rushing to get back to China. With the US taking big hits to production and foreign investment in 2020, along with explosive increases in the money supply, critical questions arise regarding the nature of this trade deficit and how long the status quo can continue as the country pushes the boundaries of its exorbitant privilege. Indeed, the health of the dollar itself as it relates to trade deficits would be an indicator to watch in coming years.
In running a trade surplus with the US, China has traditionally exchanged its US dollars for US Treasuries to add to its balance sheet and to maintain its export advantage. In recent years, however, China has reduced its holdings in Treasuries. This trend has also coincided with massive spending on the part of China in the last decade on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure and trade corridor project which involves 71 countries across Eurasia and Africa that encompass two-thirds of the global population and one-third of world GDP.
Given the continued global dollar demand, it would be shrewd for China to use accumulated dollars to acquire foreign assets and invest in projects that have the potential to generate future income. The trade war with the US in recent years has driven China to deepen its flow of trade toward surpluses with other emerging markets and forge strategic global relations.
As containers carry goods from China to the US and rush to return empty to bring more, the moment provides a glimpse into a potentially precarious arrangement between the two countries. While the US presently consumes itself into debt and liabilities, China has leveraged its productive surpluses from this relationship into increasingly influential assets that may strengthen its position and further challenge the US, and perhaps even the dollar itself.
Originally published by the Austrian Economics Center.
Weimin Chen
Weimin Chen is a research assistant at the Austrian Economics Center and is a manager and project/events coordinator at the International Student Center’s Arts for Peace Initiative in New York City.
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유토피아를 찾아서
로스바드의 책 <종교적 종말론자로서의 칼 막스>에는 기독교 천년주의와 그것이 공산주의 사상에 끼친 영향이 자세히 기술되어 있다.
헤겔은 천년주의를 작은 종교 집단에서 국가 공산주의로 확장했다.
윌슨과 닉슨 대통령은 헤겔을 이용해 국민들에게 도덕을 강요했다. 헤겔에게 있어 국가란 세계를 관통하는 하나님의 발자취이다.
헤겔의 공산주의는 막스에 의해 세속화 됐다. 막스의 공산주의는 하나님, 계급, 돈, 사유재산, 위계가 없는 사회였다.
중상주의와 사단주의는 개인들이 국내외의 경쟁자들로부터 국가에 보호를 요청하는 체제이다.
In Search of Utopia
Hal Snarr
Utopia is described as a society void of pain and poverty. It was sought well before Sir Thomas More coined the word in 1516 from the Greek words ou and topos. Since their combination translates as "to place," More understood it to be unattainable. It has many names: Datong, the Garden of Eden, Atlantis, and New Jerusalem.
For many, utopia conjures images of the millennial reign of Christ on earth or of Marxists communizing the world, and the apocalyptic war that precedes each. This war is between good and evil in Christianity and between proletarians and capitalists in communism. Victory ends the alienation of Christians from God via sin and materialism and of proletarians from their true selves via the divisions of labor and specialization. These journeys are so similar because secular communism evolved out of Christian millennialism.
Christian millennialism and its influence on communist thought are detailed in Murray Rothbard’s "Karl Marx as Religious Eschatologist." According to Rothbard, millennialist movements follow a pattern. Men claiming divinity or divine appointment and preaching collective salvation and the coming apocalypse swelled their ranks with the poor by promising them a place in utopia if they believed and followed. They established collectives of conformity and property. As needs were met with distributions from the communal storehouse, labor and production plummeted in these communes. Ultimately, these movements ended when the storehouses emptied.
Millennialism was expanded from small religious communes into a communism of the state by Professor Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. He secularized Jesus out of communism by extending Jesus becoming God to mankind becoming God through the acquisition of knowledge. He transformed the state, “the Divine ideal on earth,” as he put it, into a religion that ended the alienation of mankind and God with their unification in what he dubbed Man-God.
Marxism as a Religious Struggle
Modern leaders owe much to Hegel. Presidents Wilson and Nixon used this new religion to impose morality on the people with prohibitions on alcohol and drugs. Hegel’s statement “the State is the march of God through the world,” would make the perfect motto for twentieth-century American foreign policy. The Democrats’ reverent support for Clinton and Obama and the same from Republicans for Reagan and Trump manifest the power of these religious sects in the US.
Hegel’s communism was secularized by Karl Marx. Marx’s communism is a society without God, class, money, personal property, and hierarchy. In it, people contribute according to their abilities in cooperative efforts to produce the goods that society needs and to distribute these according to need. To realize it, proletarians must end their alienation from their true selves in a three-stage process. In the first, capitalist oppressors are overthrown in a violent revolution. In the second, crude communism, a despotic proletarian dictatorship, is established to free the communist ideal that is imprisoned within us by materialism and individualism. The crushing of diversity into uniformity paves the way for the third and final stage, higher communism.
History shows that higher communism never emerges, because proletarian dictators, as Mikhail Bakunin noted, cease being proletarians once they gain power and are loath to give it up. These dictators follow a blueprint. Ignoring the law of markets, they lower prices and raise wages with dictates sold with populist empathy and fiery rhetoric. To cover the unemployment and shortages that result, they nationalize firms and direct them to raise production, not to the level where price caps meet supply, but to where price caps meet demand. They inefficiently boost output by packing factories and production lines with idle proletarians. The losses that accrue from following dictates rather than markets, like at the US Post Office, are papered over with subsidies of inflated printed money. While that is being done, the dictators distribute the largess of the communal storehouses to themselves. The unrest that ultimately rises up is crushed with purges, which consolidates power and stalls the revolution in the dystopia of crude communism.
Since crude communism is dystopia and it and the market system are antonyms, could the market system be the utopia the generations have sought? Ironically, both developed from Christianity. Whereas communism, as discussed above, evolved from collective salvation, the market system sprang forth from ideas that included individual salvation. Individual salvation was a progressive idea in post-Roman Europe. It gave rise to individualism, as it made serfs equal to nobles in the eyes of God. The rise of individualism among the villagers of medieval Italian towns, and their rejection of feudalism, proximity to international trade routes and continuation of Roman property rights together sparked the market system.
The market system, unlike crude communism’s edict-issuing dictator, is a system of voluntary choice and cooperation. In it, buyers and sellers meet in marketplaces to exchange goods. Before the introduction of money, exchangers bartered. As markets got sufficiently complex, barter got ever more inefficient. This necessitated the rise of a new good, money, which emerged from a competition of currencies. Money, by reducing the number of prices to the number of goods sold, dramatically increased the efficiency of exchanges.
The Struggle between State and Marketplace
Because mercantilism and its latter-day cousin, corporatism, developed in and around the market system, history has conflated the three phenomena. Mercantilism and corporatism are systems where individuals seek and gain state protections from the many foreign and domestic competitors in the market system. Licensing, patents, taxes, subsidies, prohibitions, and regulations that cartelize industries are examples of these protections. Under mercantilism, kings and queens granted exclusive rights to the merchants who agreed to collect their taxes. Under corporatism, these protections are purchased from politicians with campaign contributions. Though these protections are sold as safeguards of well-being, they create market barriers and moral hazards, make goods and services scarcer than they would be otherwise, drive prices up demand curves, and widen the margins of incumbents.
The State and the cage of security it provides is the only world we know. We grew up in it. Like Brooks in The Shawshank Redemption (1994), we have been institutionalized. We have been duped into depending on this cage and the crumbs the State tosses into it. Could we navigate the alien world of pure liberty? In time, yes. We would come to realize that pursuing our passions, experimenting, discovering, and cooperating in voluntary exchanges of ideas and goods is the just society that the generations have sought. It will not, however, be realized, as it is dystopia for the bureaucrats, politicians, and experts it would unemploy.
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