2021년 3월 6일 토요일
문재앙 패거리가 이스타 항공 해먹은 범죄 깔아뭉개는 거 봐라..ㄷㄷㄷ
반성하며살자
http://www.ilbe.com/view/11328076753
<선 요약>
- 문재인과 아주 친한 전라도 이상직이라는 사람이 자녀 명의로 된 유령회사로 100억을 대출받아 이스타항공 꿀꺽해버림.
- 이스타항공과 관련된 회사에 문재앙 사위(문다혜 남편)가 취직함. (대통령 딸이 굳이 태국이민 가서 빽으로 취직?? 뭐이런 병신이??)
- 예상대로 이상직 일당이 이스타항공에서 500억원을 빼돌리고 직원들에게 8개월 간 임금을 주지 않고 잘라버림.
- 문재앙이 이런 새끼를 공기업 이사장에 앉혀주고 심지어 민주당 공천해서 국회의원이 되게 해줌. (거래 ㅍㅌㅊ?)
- 배임횡령에 대해 수사를 요청해도 검찰은 6개월째 수사하지 않고 있음. (윤석열도 개좆같은 새끼)
- 심지어 편의점 알바 몇만원 떼어먹어도 조사하는 고용노동부조차 600 명이 임금체불당하고 잘렸는데도 쉬쉬하고 있음.
- 병신같은 헬조선 구한말적 상황 무한 반복중... ㅋㅋㅋ
소스: 조선일보 https://www.chosun.com/opinion/editorial/2021/03/04/E75NZRQW2JDOTGRQQ2NTDS5OYA/
국민의힘은 2일 수백억원대 횡령과 배임 등 혐의로 고발된 이스타항공 창업주 이상직(무소속) 의원에 대한 신속 수사 요청서를 전주지검에 보냈다. 작년 12월과 올 1월에도 보냈는데 수사는 6개월째 아무런 진전이 없다. 사실상 수사를 하지 않고 있는 것이나 마찬가지다.
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개성 길 둘 다 텅 비었는데 5800억 ‘문재인 도로’ 또 만든다니/ 조선
조병율
이 도로는 북한이 손쉽게 남침 할수있도록 도와 줄려고 만드는 것으로 보이네!
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시진핑과 바이든 협공에 지금 난리난 대만 | 신세기TV
https://youtu.be/35Qz5nvnr0I
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[특별기고] 우리는 어째서 '반일 동상'에 반대하는가
김기수 변호사
펜앤 2020.04.15
“죽은 자가 산자를 다스리는 대한민국이 돼서는 안 되기 때문에 우리는 반일 동상과 위안부 동상에 반대해야 해”
좌파 세력의 ‘상징 조작’으로 형성된 ‘집단 기억’...정치 권력이 우리 시민들을 길들이고 권력 유지의 수단으로 악용하고 있어
표면적으로 ‘애국운동’이라고 하는 반일운동...좌파 세력이 주장하는 反日은 대한민국의 건국 부정하는 무서운 이념에 뿌리 둔 것
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[기고] 한국경제 성장엔진 멈추고 나라빚은 눈덩이처럼 급증...미래까지 암담하다
홍준표 기자
펜앤 2020.05.11
'최저임금의 급격한 인상' 등 검증 안된 무모한 정책들 강행하면서 경제성장률 곤두박질
지난해 성장률 2% 마저도 세금 투입으로 간신히 달성...전임 정부와 비교돼
역대 최악의 국가 재정 상황에 봉착했지만 세금 더 쓰겠다는 文 정부
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Niall Ferguson
Another must-read column from @johnauthers
. The key economic question of the moment: Are we living through a policy "regime change" that is the opposite of the 1979-82 regime change, which ended the great inflation?
Bloomberg Opinion
There are signs this deflationary regime has finally given way to an inflationary one https://trib.al/hTwgWBG
현재의 가장 중요한 경제적 질문은 이것이다: 우리는 거대한 인플레를 끝낸 1979 ~ 1982년의 경제정책과 반대되는 정책을 보고 있는 것인가?
The Inflation Regime Change Is Already Upon Us
Epochal shifts can be difficult to spot in real time, but the signs are there.
By John Authers
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America in Search of Itself / political journalist Theodore H. White
“Inflation has no date of beginning. Inflation is the cancer of modern civilization, the leukemia of planning and hope; as with all cancers, no one can say when it begins or how fast it may spread. It is a disease of money, and when money goes, order goes with it. Inflation comes when a government has made too many promises it cannot keep and papers over the shortfall with currency which, ultimately, becomes confetti — and faith is lost.”
바로 위에 소개된 존 오더의 칼럼에 나오는 문장.
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Simon DeDeo
This is probably the most Lindy result yet. (1) Vitamin D has no causal effect on heart disease and (2) your grandmother was right, go out and play in the sun.
비타민 디는 심장병과 인과 관계가 없다.
비타민 디를 복용하는 것보다는 햇빛을 받으며 야외 활동을 하는 것이 더 유익하다.
https://twitter.com/SimonDeDeo/status/1367854703682392064/photo/1
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로스바드의 경기 회복 정책
시장에 돈을 퍼붓는 케인즈 정책과 다른 경기 회복 방법은, 민간 부문을 규제로부터 해방하고, 세금의 부담을 경감시키는 것이다.
경제가 성장하고 소득과 고용이 증가하면, 공공 부채가 감소하고 인플레의 위협이 줄어든다.
재정확장 정책은 경기 침체를 지속시키고, 정부 부채를 증가시켜서 결국 경제 성장의 잠재력을 갉아먹는다.
로스바드는 경기 침체를 회복하는 방법으로 정부 지출의 축소, 저축의 증가, 자유방임 경제를 권장하고 있다.
Rothbard Explains How to Recover from an Economic Crisis
Antony P. Mueller
Confronted with a severely weakened economy as the consequence of the policy-ordered lockdowns, governments now get ready to apply another severe blow to the economy. The favorite means is more deficit spending. In the United States, President Biden announced a stimulus program amounting to $1.9 trillion. This amount would enter an economy that is already flush with liquidity. During the past twelve years, the American central bank has expanded its balance sheet in three major boosts, first from $900 billion in July 2008 to $2.1 trillion in November 2008, then from $2.8 trillion in November 2012 to $4.5 trillion in November 2014, and, finally, from $3.8 trillion in September 2019 to $7.6 trillion in February 2021.
This monetary expansion has not yet led to a significant rise in the price level, because during this period the velocity of monetary transactions (GDP/M1) has fallen from a factor of 10.6 in the fourth quarter of 2007 to 3.5 in the fourth quarter of 2020. The effect of monetary inflation has not yet shown up in the prices of goods of services but has lifted the prices of financial assets and real estate.
Along with the monetary stimulus came an enormous fiscal boost since 2008. The public debt quotient (federal government debt as a percent of GDP) rose from 62.6 percent in 2007 to 100 percent in 2012 and had reached 107.6 percent in 2020. Nevertheless, these massive fiscal and monetary stimulus policies in response to the crisis of 2008 have not led to strong economic growth (figure 1).
Figure 1: US Annual Economic Growth Rate of Real GDP, 1995–2020
There is little to expect from the Biden plan to boost long-term economic growth. His scheme will most likely fail as have all of these past policies. After a short-lived rebound, the economy will fall back into a slump. After this quick spike, however, conditions will get worse than before. Instead of getting out of the slump, such stimulus policies deepen and prolong the stagnation in the long run.
Bringing back prosperity requires a different set of policies. What is needed is economic growth founded on capital accumulation. Such a policy is particularly urgent in the face of the current crisis, because the lockdowns have diminished the capital stock of the economy on a worldwide scale and have interrupted the supply chains. In such a situation, the application of vulgar Keynesianism amounts to outright insanity. Such a policy that promises to prevent depression and to get the economy out of stagnation will produce the opposite result. This stimulus policy will deepen and prolong the slump. There is ample evidence that the so-called fiscal multiplier of public expenditure does not work as promised.
A different path is liberating the private sector from regulatory confinements and alleviating the tax burden. Such policies prepare the path for an economic recovery. Instead of extending public assistance, the entrepreneurial spirit must be fired up. The tricks of debt management and new monetary policy schemes will not help. The key is sustainable economic growth. As the economy grows and incomes and employment rise, the public debt ratio falls, and thus the threat of higher inflation recedes.
A debt-driven recovery has two possible consequences. It may happen that even big stimuli do not lead to an expansion of demand. In this case, the final consequence of the expansionary policy is not only that the slump continues but that the policy has also brought about a higher public debt ratio, which in turn diminishes the future economic growth potential. If, however, the stimulus policy should work as intended, and the economy experiences a strong rebound, this economic expansion will be aborted by higher price inflation as the expansion of demand finds its constraint in deficient capacity.
Rothbard’s Recipe
The right way out of the mess is the application of the Rothbardian recipe as it was developed by Murray Rothbard in his analysis of the Great Depression. In this book, Rothbard explains that it is not more public debt that is the way out of a depression but the expansion of the private sector. Recent empirical studies confirm this thesis.
Reducing the obese state through fiscal retrenchment leads to economic expansion. The more the public sector shrinks, the more the private business sector can expand. It is not more public debt that drives the economy, but entrepreneurship, which thrives in liberated markets.
The private sector does not need stimuli beyond the prospect of profits. When profit expectations rise because the conditions for private business activity improve, investments will increase. More employment and rising incomes will follow. Higher profit expectations bring about capital investment, and thus the groundwork is laid for higher economic growth.
Less spending, more savings, and laissez-faire is the Rothbardian recipe against the crisis. In his book America’s Great Depression, Murray Rothbard applies the Austrian theory of the business cycle and denounces the measures that were taken by the Roosevelt administration to fight the depression of the 1930s. Measures to encourage more spending and inflate the economy while maintaining high wages and subsidizing unemployment worsened the crisis. Rothbard's recipe for getting out of the slump is the opposite of what was done in the past during the Great Depression and what is practiced today (table 1).
Table 1: The Rothbardian Recipe: What to Do and What Not to Do
Despite all contrary evidence about the Great Depression, due to relentless repetition in the mass media and the schools of higher learning, the myth continues to prevail that Roosevelt’s economic policies pulled the country out of the Depression. The contrary is the case. Roosevelt’s ill-conceived policies prolonged and deepened the depression. Different from the Keynesian and monetarists’ myths, neither expansive fiscal nor expansive monetary policy helped to get the economy out of the Depression.
The problem of the Great Depression was not a lack of demand but that the economic policies of Roosevelt devastated the entrepreneurial spirit and snuffed the confidence in capitalism.
Similar myths are being spread about the Marshall Plan. Its success did not depend on the size of the package (which was relatively small) but on the condition that in order to obtain the aid, the receiving countries had to consent to economic liberalization, monetary and fiscal stability, and the promotion of integration into the world economy.
Although Keynesian demand-side economics is no longer the hallmark of economics as an academic discipline, it is still deeply ingrained in politics and in central banking. Policy activism lies behind the measures, not sound economics. Governmental institutions exclude the solution, laissez-faire, from the outset without any further ado. Laissez-faire solutions are brushed aside, because politicians want action. Authorities in government play with other people’s money and they earn applause from those people who obtain some part of this public expenditure even though this kind of policy is harmful to the prosperity of the nation.
From the standpoint of Rothbardian economics this ongoing policy game is fully absurd. Rothbard’s recipe is not only a recipe to get out of the slump, but it is also a guideline not to fall into a slump: stay away from debt and let entrepreneurs in competitive markets do their job.
Conclusion
Large parts of the world have plunged into a serious economic crisis not because of a failure of the market economy, but because of the policies of the lockdowns. Now economic policy is at a crossroads. On one side, there is the temptation to go on with a policy of deficit spending and monetary expansion. The other way out would be audacious economic reforms in favor of free markets. The path of the stimulus policies would push the economy into a prolonged depression or, when accompanied by inflation, into stagflation. The other path would create a business-friendly environment and bank on the entrepreneurial spirit to bring about economic growth based on private capital investment. As of now, there is little hope that the correct path will be taken. Unfortunately, so it seems, it will take another catastrophe for many people to wake up. (도표 생략)
Antony P. Mueller
Dr. Antony P. Mueller is a German professor of economics who currently teaches in Brazil. Write an email. See his website and blog.
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