윤석열이 원리원칙주의자라는 말만큼 웃기는 헛소리도 없다 돼지두루숙이 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11329684904 김관진 영장 기각 되니까 한다는소리가 국민 법감정운운하며 비판하네 국민이 무슨 법을 안다고 지랄이냐 법은 법이지 법에 어떻게 감정이 담기냐?ㅋㅋ그게 법을 침해하는 소리지 이게 법치주의자야?? 법을 빙자한 선동가지 좌파기질 역시 농후함 결국 김관진 감빵 처넣고 영장판사들 다 물갈이 됐지 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ윤석열 서울중앙지검장 시절 검찰총장보다 대단했노 법원을 사정없이 갈궜네 이래놓구 문재인 정권인사들에 대해서는 영장 청구 기각하면 한마디 불평도 안하고 재청구도 안했지 ㅋㅋ 그러니 수사가 제대로 될리 만무하지 그결과 검찰총장 20개월동안 문정권인사 구속 0명 멍청한 대깨문들은 감사할줄 몰려 입만 털었지 아이구 참 원리 원칙대로 개돼지들은 수사한거로 기특하게 알아먹네 워낙 인지 부조화에 빠진 정치빠 환자들이니 뭐 박근혜 탄핵은 잘못된것이다 해놓고선 윤석열은 법에 충실한 원리원칙주의자라고 앞뒤똥꼬막힌소리하는 틀튜버들이랑 박사모들도 있고 ㅋㅋ 중증 인지부조화가 정신나간 희망회로랑 만나서 터지면 이런 현상이 나오나 북괴지령이 청와대를 통해서 본인한테 하달되니 열심히 충성수행한거지 머 --->윤석열을 보면 주식의 작전 세력을 보는 것 같다. 좌파 괴수 문죄인의 포졸 노릇하던 윤석열이, 갑자기 우파가 되고 문죄인에 대항한 투사가 되어, 우파의 대통령 후보라는 것이다. 소위 우파 유투버들도 윤석열을 빨아(?)대고 있는 걸 보면, 사기 탄핵 범죄단끼리 이미 모종의 밀약이 있었던 같기도 하다. 이재명이든 윤석열이든 문죄인 한테는 아무 피해가 가지 않는 시나리오다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 서울경제 "중저가 팔고 돈되는 한채 사자"···'평당1억' 속출 cant**** 문의 가장 큰 문제는, 서민들이 직장 잡고 결혼하고 집사고 애 낳는 누구나 꿈꾸던 평범한 미래를 날려 버렸다는거다. 진심 용서 받지 못할 자들. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Niall Ferguson Less than two months until publication and currently in the midst of recording the audio version, so time to warn you all that DOOM is coming! Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe by Niall Ferguson "All disasters are in some sense man-made." Setting the annus horribilis of 2020 in historical perspective, Niall Ferguson explains why we are getting worse, not better, at handling disasters. Disasters are inherently hard to predict. Pandemics, like earthquakes, wildfires, financial crises. and wars, are not normally distributed; there is no cycle of history to help us anticipate the next catastrophe. But when disaster strikes, we ought to be better prepared than the Romans were when Vesuvius erupted, or medieval Italians when the Black Death struck. We have science on our side, after all. Yet in 2020 the responses of many developed countries, including the United States, to a new virus from China were badly bungled. Why? Why did only a few Asian countries learn the right lessons from SARS and MERS? While populist leaders certainly performed poorly in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, Niall Ferguson argues that more profound pathologies were at work—pathologies already visible in our responses to earlier disasters. In books going back nearly twenty years, including Colossus, The Great Degeneration, and The Square and the Tower, Ferguson has studied the foibles of modern America, from imperial hubris to bureaucratic sclerosis and online fragmentation. Drawing from multiple disciplines, including economics, cliodynamics, and network science, Doom offers not just a history but a general theory of disasters, showing why our ever more bureaucratic and complex systems are getting worse at handing them. Doom is the lesson of history that this country—indeed the West as a whole—urgently needs to learn, if we want to handle the next crisis better, and to avoid the ultimate doom of irreversible decline. 닐 퍼거슨의 책 <둠Doom>의 소개 글 Editorial Reviews 02/22/2021 Incompetence, illusions, and random chance characterize the ways humans cope with disaster, according to this scattershot historical study. Hoover Institution scholar Ferguson (The Square and the Tower) surveys many natural and man-made catastrophes, including volcanic eruptions, plagues, the 1840s Irish potato famine, WWI, the Hindenburg disaster, and the Chernobyl nuclear accident; he also mulls dystopian sci-fi novels and, provocatively, welcomes the “desirable”(because it would foster American innovation) prospect of a “new cold war” between the U.S. and China. The book’s centerpiece is a discussion of the Covid-19 pandemic that faults Western governments for failing to contain the virus with massive testing and tracing, but also opposes lockdowns for their economic and mental health effects. Ferguson’s sharp-eyed catastrophe postmortems debunk received wisdom (more lifeboats on the Titanic might not have made much difference) and spotlight delusional responses, from medieval flagellant rituals to the current “vague deference to ‘the science’... as if gimcrack computer simulations with made-up variables constitute science.” Unfortunately, his own stabs at scientific analysis yield few new insights—he invokes “scale-free network topology” to say that Covid-19 spread quickly via airports—and he draws the obvious conclusion that catastrophes are unpredictable and individual leaders usually have little control over them. This colorful catalogue of misfortune and folly brings little clarity to the subject. Agent: Andrew Wylie, the Wylie Agency. (May) Publishers Weekly --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The New New Deal Has Already Arrived. Thank the Covid Panic. Ryan McMaken The new Covid relief bill signals that whatever restraint on public spending existed before 2020 is now all but gone. And the bill represents the beginning of a new era: an era that can be likened to that of the New Deal. 코로나 덕분에 새로운 뉴딜은 이미 시행되고 있다. 새로운 코로나 구제 법안으로 인해 그동안 2020년까지 공적 지출에 대해 존재했던 제한들이 모두 사라지게 되었다. 새로운 코로나 구제 법안은 새로운 시대의 도래를 알리고 있는데, 그것은 지난 1930년대의 뉴딜과 같은 것이다. We’ve entered a new era of politics and government in America, and the Left is pretty happy about it. This week, for example, The Guardian announced “Biden's $1.9tn Covid relief bill marks an end to four decades of Reaganism.” From this point of view, “Reaganism” is code for extreme free-market libertarian public policy. Or as some call it: “neoliberalism.” The idea that this sort of Reaganism took over the country contradicts reality, of course. By virtually every metric—from tax revenues and federal spending per capita, and in to the size of the regulatory state—the size of the American state has expanded relentlessly for more than 40 years. But in many respects the headline is correct. The new Covid relief bill signals that whatever restraint on public spending existed before 2020 is now all but gone. And the bill represents the beginning of a new era: an era that can be likened to the New Deal. This has long been part of the plan according to social democrats and progressives. After all, there’s been a lot of talk from the Left for years about the need for a “new new deal." Whether it centered on environmentalism or on health care, everyone in these circles agrees on one thing: we needed a new surge in the size and scope of the government sector. And now it's happened. We're in a new era when an ongoing crisis justifies any number of drastic new measures enacted by governments. To question this, the media and the pundits insist, constitutes "denying science" or "wanting grandma to die." The only question now is how long this new era of enbridled government expansion will last. Moreover, just as the New Deal turned an ordinary downturn into a decade-long depression—and did nothing to "end" the Depression—this new new deal will only ensure that any real recovery is years away. A Great Leap Forward in Government Spending The most visible aspect of this all are the immense increases in government spending that have occurred over the past year. While it’s true the Biden administration is signing off on an immense $1.9 trillion “relief” package, the fact is the Trump administration already approved $4 trillion in new spending for covid-19 stimulus and relief bills. The Biden addition will be on top of that. To put this into perspective, keep in mind that during most of the Obama years, total federal outlays ranged from $3.5 to $3.9 trillion. Trump pushed those numbers up even further, topping $4.4 trillion in the 2019 fiscal year. In the 2020 fiscal year (which ended in September) outlays skyrocketed to 6.5 trillion. This doesn’t even capture all of Trump’s stimulus spending. Some of it will count under the 2021 fiscal year, and we still have a long way to go. Now Biden has added nearly $2 trillion to that total, and there’s likely to be more “relief” and “stimulus” going forward. Meanwhile, the one-year deficit exploded to $3.3 trillion in 2020, more than doubling the $1.4 trillion deficit that piled up in 2009. To make this all possible, of course, the central bank has furiously created newly "printed" money, showering Washington and Wall Street with dollars as the Fed bought up US debt on the secondary market and even began buying corporate debt. Naturally, the Fed’s balance sheet is now well above seven trillion. The overall money supply has increased by nearly one-third since last March. Both of the US major parties have signed off on this. Political dissent in Congress is absent beyond a tiny handful of Republicans like Thomas Massie. The victory for the New New Dealers has been nearly total. A New Surge in the Executive State and the Regulatory State A second major change that has taken place has been the surge in executive and regulatory power across the nation. This also reflects what happened during the original New Deal. As noted by Garet Garret at the time, the transformation of the US into an executive-dominated regime is one of the primary characteristics of the New Deal. What had once been three separate branches, with a dominant legislative branch, the new regime was something else. Now, he pointed out, laws are routinely created within the executive branch itself, and interpreted by administrative law judged within the same branch. The old checks and balances had disappeared. It's a little different this time, though, as this has perhaps been most noticeable at the state level. In nearly every US state, state governors granted themselves vast new regulatory powers, and ruled by decree. Every few weeks—or even every few days in some case—governors announced new regulations on a level of micromanagement that would have been considered unthinkable prior to 2020. Governors continually issued new regulations about how many people were allowed to enter a grocery store or a restaurant. They issued edicts on what sorts of masks employees and customers must wear. They dictated operating hours for all sorts of firms. During March and April, these governors even placed millions of their citizens under house arrest, threatening arrest of peaceful residents who stepped outside for “nonessential” reasons. At the federal level, President Trump issued new edicts on federal spending, health care, and international travel. In September, the White House unilaterally declared that landlords were no longer permitted to evict tenants who missed rent. Millions of rental contracts were rendered null and void by a stroke of the president’s pen. This was all done in most cases without the passage of any laws through the “traditional” methods of public debate, and legislative processes. Chief executives across the nation simply did as they pleased. Corporatism Ascendant Like the original New Deal, much of our New New Deal is built around cushy partnerships between the central government and immense corporate interests. Wall Street, for example, has already become accustomed to being bailed out repeatedly by outright cash transfers to big banks and other corporate players—as happened in 2008. But Wall Street also benefits perennially from the so-called Greenspan Put which is a wink-and-nod arrangement between the central bank and the upper echelons of Wall Street. Thanks to the Greenspan Put, Wall Street knows that if the stock markets and the financial sector face any substantial losses due to market “instability,” the Fed will intervene with injections of easy money, and asset purchase programs. The Fed is still sitting on trillions in junk assets it bought up during the Great Recession to prop up Wall Street’s portfolios. With the Covid Panic came a new round of bailouts. Sure, these bailouts weren’t like the 2008 bailouts. Things were more hidden this time around. The asset purchases from the central bank continued and were expanded. Moreover, this time the free money and the cheap loans were ostensibly geared toward medium-sized and small businesses. But, Big Business reaped the greatest rewards. For example, the Paycheck Protection Programs (PPP) was supposed to prop up the “little guy.” But as Alana Abramson at Time notes, the reality was something different: The implementation of the program, says John Arensmeyer, the CEO of the Small Business Majority, an advocacy group that represents more than 65,000 independent companies, was structurally flawed. Because PPP required banks to act as intermediaries, it created a dynamic wherein larger, more established companies—often with existing relationships and lines of credit with banks—received funds before smaller operations, who feared their collapse was imminent. The law’s definitions were also problematic. While PPP defined “small businesses” as entities with up to 500 employees, the law included a provision pertaining to the food and hospitality sectors wherein companies with individual locations of fewer than 500 people were still eligible. That meant that large, multi-million dollar chains, like Ruth’s Chris Steakhouse and Shake Shack were able to apply, often edging out the smaller mom-and-pop enterprises that the law was touted as propping up. This should surprise no one. Since 2008, and with a wave of new regulations imposed on the financial sector, Wall Street and the banks have become all the more geared toward working with large, established firms while smaller businesses, farmers, and other small enterprises find it increasingly difficult to secure loans, and take advantage of the ultra-low interest rates that favor large established firms. Don't expect this to end with Covid. The first New Deal paved the way for the economic regimentation and rationing of the Second World War. It also set the stage for the war on free speech and the prosecution of "sedition" during the war. Dissent cannot be tolerated during the "crisis," and once the regime has control of the levers of the economy, it doesn't let go easily. On there other hand, there are signs of hope. Americans of the 1930s meekly did as they were told. When FDR told American to hand over all their gold via executive order, for instance, the overwhelming majority did so without complaint. The naive Americans of that age generally believed what their politicians told them. Much of America today appears less primed for compliance. Public trust in government institutions, the media, and public health officials has gone into steep decline. This is why Biden complained last week that confidence in the regime “has been plummeting since the late 60s to what it is now.” So, he's now, "on a mission to restore faith in government." The good news is he's likely to fail. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------