이렇게 하면 "헬-조선"과 "흙수저의 고통"은 거의 사라진다. 좌빨잡자 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11330342584 (짤방에 이글을 올렸더니 운마샠히가 장난쳐서 이곳에 다시 올린다) 노조를 전면 불허해야 한다. 노조가 고가의 임금을 독점하고 심지어 기업의 확장을 철저하게 가로 막아 일자리가 모조리 중국의 저임으로 빠져나가기 때문임은 잘 모르는 잉간들이 많다. 영국은 우리의 중국과 같은, 일자리 뺏어가는 나라가 없음에도 대처의 노조 박살내기 정치적 쇼크에 경제가 크게 개선됫고, 특히 독일의 한국인 사위인 슈뢰더 총리는 우리의 민주당에 해당하는 사민당당수였음에도 보수주의 정책을 강력 추진해 노조를 크게 억눌러 지금의 부강한 유럽의 강자로 유지하는 결정적 역할을 했다. 뻔히 아는 사항임에도 못하는 건 노조의 폭력성 때문이다. 이걸 젊은 그대들이 깨부숴야 80년대의 사회의 풍요를 구가할 수있다. 젊은이는 일어서야 한다. 노조를 궤멸시키는데 앞장서라. 그러면 살길이 트인다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 한국경제 'AZ백신' 맞고 발기부전? 서울대 출신 의사 2명 부작용 호소 A 씨 "8일 백신을 맞고 고열, 몸살, 오한, 구토, 설사, 식욕부진에 시달리고 접종 12시간 이후부터 일주일이 지나도록 발기가 되지 않아 배우자와 성생활을 못하고 있어 당혹스럽다" B 씨 "백신 접종 후 열이 37.9도, 38도 정도라 7일간 타이레놀을 16개 먹었다" "백신 접종 후 13일이 경과한 지금도 내복 2개 입고 내부 온도를 30도로 올려놓고 생활하고 있다" ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- oceandrive 한국좌파가 진보일줄 알았냐? 걔들은 운동권공동체야. 운동권하면서 학생회비로 어린 놈들이 룸살롱가고 자판기사업 수익 삥땅쳐먹는게 운동권이지. 그렇게 살다가 사회 나와서 할일 없으니 시민단체 기웃거리고 그러다 말빨 좀 서면 정치인도 하지. 걔중에 머리 되는 놈은 전후좌우에서 밀어줘서 말도 안되는 논문써도 석박사 짤라주고 유학보내줘서 교수만들어버렸지. 지금 586세대에 그런 쓰레기 교수들 천지. 이게 좌파? 진보? 사모펀드에 깡통투자하는게 사회주의자? 한국좌파는 운동권공동체이고 졸부이며 조폭에 가깝지/ 일배 댓글 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ With Victoria Nuland Nomination, Biden Signals a Return to Bush-Obama-Era Foreign Policy José Niño Nuland was an advisor to ultrainterventionist Dick Cheney and would continue the costly expansionist policies of the Bush and Obama years. 빅토리아 누랜드의 지명으로 바이든은 부시-오바마의 외교 정책으로 회귀할 뜻을 비쳤다. https://mises.org/wire/victoria-nuland-nomination-biden-signals-return-bush-obama-era-foreign-policy -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 오스트리아 경제학자 한스 허만 호프의 책 <거대한 허구 The Great Fiction > 제 2판이 나왔다. https://mises.org/library/great-fiction/ 여기에 가면 전자책 다운로드 할 수 있다 Hoppe's The Great Fiction, Expanded Second Edition—Now Available David Gordon Hans-Hermann Hoppe is a name to reckon with. He has for over forty years made outstanding contributions to Austrian economics, philosophy, history, and sociology, all from a Rothbardian perspective. Murray Rothbard was his great mentor and friend, and no one among his Rothbardian contemporaries has had so wide a public impact. For this reason, the appearance of a second edition of Hans Hoppe’s indispensable collection The Great Fiction will be welcomed by all readers interested in the theoretical foundations of a free society. This edition includes seven new chapters. One of the new chapters, “On Man, Nature, Truth, and Justice,” is a remarkable and original contribution to philosophy. Hoppe extends the concept of action from its place in Austrian economics to cover not only the social world but much of the physical world as well. Speech is a form of meaningful action, and speech-based actions and human tools have shaped the world. In the progress of technology lies an answer to the relativistic claims of Thomas Kuhn and others whom Hoppe regards as nihilists. In other new essays, he suggests that secession is an appropriate response to redistributionist taxation and he offers a penetrating critique of Steven Pinker’s account of the evolution of violence. I have learned a great deal from Hans Hoppe over our decades of friendship, and I urge everyone to read this new edition of The Great Fiction. 제프 다이스트의 서문 Foreword by Jeff Deist Congratulations! You hold in your hands one of the best collections of essays from one of the most vital and challenging thinkers on the planet. This book is a compendium of sorts, a cross section of Professor Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s best work across several decades arranged in one accessible volume. It originally was published by Laissez Faire Books in 2012, but languished without the audience it deserved. This volume rejuvenates that work with no less than six new chapters and more than a hundred new pages not found in the earlier version, along with some much-needed publicity and promotion. Academics and social scientists today tend toward hyperspecialization, but Dr. Hoppe does not make this mistake. In this approach he joins a long line of important thinkers who did not confine themselves to a narrow academic discipline and did not care to “stay in their lane.” We forget that many twentieth century economists, for example, capably applied knowledge in history, philosophy, logic, anthropology, sociology, epistemology, politics, and ethics to their work—including Ludwig von Mises, Hoppe’s inspiration, and Murray N. Rothbard, Hoppe’s mentor. In that very important sense Hoppe continues and builds on the work of both men. If you are new to Hoppe’s work, this is an excellent introduction and survey to his syntheses of history, anthropology, property, ethics, and state. If you already know and enjoy Hoppe, you will find here a “Hoppe reader”: many of his best and most representative articles across a range of topics in one accessible volume. Consider it almost a reference guide, from which readers can guide themselves back to his lengthy books and articles. But this book has something for everyone, from his rigorous yet often overlooked implications of capitalism and socialism to his broadside against democracy on property rights grounds. Even the new or casual reader will come away with an excellent understanding of Hoppe’s work and worldview. The title of course comes from Claude-Frédéric Bastiat, the great nineteenth-century French economic journalist and liberal. Bastiat gave us “The Great Fiction” to describe the government mechanisms by which people attempt to live at the expense of others. The state is always present in Hoppe’s work, whether front and center or lurking in the background. Hoppe’s subtitle, Property, Economy, Society, and the Politics of Decline gives an unsubtle clue as to what readers should expect: a damning indictment of the political world and its twenty-first-century managerial superstates. In Hoppe’s world, the state is a wholly decivilizing institution: a predator rather than protector, a threat to property and peace. Markets and entrepreneurs produce goods, governments produce “bads”: taxation (theft), regulation (semi-ownership, thus semi-socialism), devalued money (central banks), war (defense), injustice (state courts and police), and the ruinous effects of high time preference (democracy). Like Bastiat, Hoppe has no patience for obscuring or soft pedaling the realities of our political world. Part one of the book deals with the development of human society and the concomitant rise of two often opposing forces, namely property and states. Here Hoppe explains civilization rising against a backdrop of greater productivity enabled by the painfully slow shift from nomadic to agrarian living. Once sufficient calories could be yielded from land, concepts of family and ownership come into greater focus. The Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution create more and more prosperity, a proto-middle class, while feudal and monarchical arrangements face pressure from subjects developing greater wealth and literacy. This pressure explodes in the nineteenth century, as groups of largely decentralized kingdoms, principalities, territories, and city-states come under the full sway of national boundaries and governments. The twentieth century ushers in the era of full democratic government in the West: the Great War washes away the last vestiges of Old Europe, while growing economic and military power places the United States squarely at the helm of an international order. Hoppe, of course, does not accept at face value the notion of the twentieth century as “liberal,” and in fact finds much of it illiberal. A particular favorite from part one is a chapter from Democracy: The God That Failed titled “On Democracy, Redistribution, and the Destruction of Property.” This essay beautifully encapsulates all of his fundamental critiques of modern mass democracy, namely that it produces bad, shortsighted politicians who care nothing about their nation’s capital stock; bad, shortsighted voters who care nothing about future generations; bad, expansionary economic and foreign policy; and bad, central bank money to pay for it all. Citizens, unlike subjects of yesteryear, enjoy the illusion that government is “us.” But an illusion is all it is, and Hoppe enjoys slaying this most sacred of cows. Part two focuses on the hugely important but often overlooked relationship between money and the state. While kings and sovereigns once enjoyed debasing money to line their pockets, modern central banks turn seigniorage into something far more systemic and harmful. Fiat money enables politicians to fund welfare and warfare programs unimaginable in previous generations, increasing state power at every turn. It also distorts virtually every economic decision made across society, resulting in gross inefficiency and malinvestment. Society suffers, purchasing power erodes, but an undeserving and state-connected banking class benefits from all the new money. The quintessential Hoppean explanation for this sordid process, namely power, is nicely presented in chapter 9, “Why the State Demands the Control of Money.” Part three forays into Dr. Hoppe’s economic theory, particularly in the area of method. Much of what we consider to comprise modern economics is wrong, and in particular wrong because it subverts the role of theory with empiricism, statistics, math, and modeling. Human actors apply deeply subjective values to all economic goods, values which change almost constantly. They are not atoms or vectors to be studied by testing hypotheses with data, but volitional beings to which we must apply axiomatic deductive reasoning. Hoppe gives readers a crash course in certainty, uncertainty, and probability, to show their uses and more importantly their limitations in economics. Part four considers the important subject of intellectual history in the context of the broad Austro-libertarian movement, and includes a truly heartfelt speech from Hoppe on his friend and colleague Rothbard which is sure to move you. It also includes a typically Hoppean critique of Friedrich von Hayek’s political theory, which in Hoppe’s view compares very unfavorably to his work in monetary policy and the knowledge problem. This section finishes with the text of Hoppe’s sweeping talk titled “The Libertarian Quest for a Grand Historical Narrative,” a marvelous narrative about where we have been and where we might be going. Finally, part five is a collection of interviews with Dr. Hoppe and autobiographical essays, including one conducted by yours truly. These interviews give a better sense of Hoppe as a person and thinker, and greater insight into his development both personally and professionally. Readers will find plenty of intellectual ammunition here, along with answers to many of the simplistic challenges posed to Hoppe’s idealized conception of a private law society. Reading Hans-Hermann Hoppe is always a pleasure and never a chore, because both the subjects and Dr. Hoppe’s command of them quickly win the reader’s attention and even admiration. Most academic writing is almost unbearable; and as alluded to earlier it is designed to appeal only to a tiny group of PhDs who work in a very limited area or subfield. Hoppe, by contrast, produces academic treatments of much broader and foundational issues which manage to hold appeal for intelligent lay audiences. The footnotes, the diamond-sharp deductive logic, the references to earlier works and thinkers—all the hallmarks of academic journals are there—without the tedium and hubris. Hoppe is the rare intellectual who never preens or bores, and never loses the plot. He keeps things close to the bone, one might say: not quite sparse but never ornate or superfluous. There are no twenty-page detours into some faintly related topic merely for show, a habit even the best of academics sometimes fall prey to. Not Dr. Hoppe. His work inevitably strips out the nonessential and gets to the root of the issue at hand. Sometimes that essential and unadulterated focus comports with popular sentiment and thinking; oftentimes it does not. Hence his controversial reputation in certain emotive circles. But Hoppe, like any good social scientist, has an obligation to seek truth and help us understand the world. Thus he never appeals to the reader’s existing pretensions or prejudices, but instead always demands we follow the praxeological path of understanding human actors as they really are. In other words, truth—unadorned and uncomfortable as it may be—is the end goal of any good social scientist. Thus, Dr. Hoppe is an unflinching advocate for reality and logic, and one you cannot ignore. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------