이재명 대선캠프 합류한 최배근에…근심 깊어진 한은 [김익환의 BOK워치]/ 한국경제 최배근 교수는 지난해부터 중앙은행의 발권력 동원에 대한 소신을 여러차례 밝힌 바 있다. 그는 2020년 6월 열린 더불어민주당 모임인 ‘경제민주화와 평화통일을 위한 국민연대’(민평련) 주최로 국회에서 열린 전문가 초청 간담회에서 “한은이 돈을 마구 찍어서 물가가 100배 상승했다고 하면 돈 100억원 가진 사람은 돈의 실질가치가 1억원으로 줄지만 돈이 없는 사람은 피해가 없다”며 “한은이 물가 안정만 신경쓰지 말고 돈 없는 사람이 돈을 확보하게 해야 한다”고 말했다. 이 자리에서 한은 금융통화위원회에 노동자 자영업자 등 계층을 대변하는 위원 몫을 할당해야 한다고 주장하기도 했다. 노짤은무조건민주화 일베 댓글 응~ 물가 100배 올라서 2천원 짜리 1리터 우유 한 팩에 20만원이 됐는데 월급이 200만원인 사람은 죽어야 함~ 병신 논리엔 똑같이 병신 논리로 반박 --->경제학의 타락이 저 정도이다. 경제학 교수가 경제를 모른다. 이런 미친 현상은 정치인으로부터 시작했지만, 학문적으로는 케인즈의 <일반이론>에서 출발했다. 현재는 현대통화이론이라는 더 미친 이론이 나타나 세상을 파국으로 몰아가고 있다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 황교안 공포에 빠진 MBC, 415 부정의 완벽한 증거, 홍준표의 부상과 윤石열에 대한 진짜 민심 스콧 인간과 자유 이야기 https://youtu.be/exXFKPRLW6w -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 백신 접종 후 사망자, 코로나 사망자보다 많아 접종 6개월간 830명 사망, 하루 평균 4.2명 사망 코로나19 첫사망자 후 19개월간 평균 4.1명 사망 ​​​​​​​신규확진 2천49명, 65일째 네자리…사망자 9명↑ [이지경제=김성미] --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 하버드 역사학자, Ferguson … ‘중국종말 예측' ... 상위 0.1%에 진입하려면 [박훈탁TV] https://youtu.be/c1MxTV6qyLQ --->몇년 전 퍼거슨과 또 한 학자가 10년 후(?)에 중국의 경제가 미국을 추월할 것이라는 데에 내기를 걸었다. 퍼거슨은 그렇지 못할 거라는데 걸고, 다른 학자는 추월한다는 데 걸었다. 지금 보니 퍼거슨이 내기에 이긴 듯하다. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 선관위 끝났다, 배춧잎투표지 보다 더 확실한 증거 나옴.news 다이아조늄 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11369516153 이해를 돕기위한 선 네줄요약 1. 선관위가 누가 투표했는지 기록해놓는 통합선거인 명부를 어떻게든 공개안하려고 했는데 어떻게 구했음 2. 비교해보니까 개표장에서 작성된 서류와는 숫자가 동별로 다틀림 3. 근데 합계 숫자는 또 맞음ㅋㅋㅋ 4. 왜이런가 따져보면 결국 개표결과는 처음부터 이미 정해져있었던 것 결론 : 이새끼들 선거하기 전부터 이미 지역구 별로 결과 다 정해놓고 대기타고 있었던거 증명됨. 근데 아웃소싱을 짱깨를 줬는지 합계 숫자만 맞춰놓고 동별 투표인 숫자는 하나도 못맞춰놨음ㅋㅋㅋ 그러니까 명부를 못까고 법으로 금지돼있어서 출구조사 못한 사전투표 결과를 방송3사가 미리알고 어떤동네는 개표결과 나오기전에 먼저 방송에서 튀어나온것도 있다고 하던데 한방에 다 설명되노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 💥미국대선, 펜실베니아 투표자성씨 50만개 자동생성!〃4.15총선과 똑같다! https://youtu.be/MY1epqptP5I --->작년에 나온 뉴스인데, 한국에서도 똑같은 일이 일어났다. 한국의 4.15 부정선거에서 예행연습을 마치고 미국에서 다시 부정선거를 저질렀다고 하는 말이 빈말이 아니다. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 중국 에너지난 오고 좋은 점.jpg 스팸주먹밥 일베 댓글 @중졸자 호주와의 마찰로 보복성 호주산 석탄수입 금지 이후 화력발전소에 석탄 공급 부족으로 인한 전력난. 그런데 여기서 주목할 건 화력이 아니면 원자력으로 하면 되는 거 아닌가 하는데 아마도 중국의 원자력 발전 기술은 그리 신뢰적이고 안전하지 못 한 듯. 그렇지 않고서야 원자력 증설을 하지 않고 아직도 화력에 의존하다니... 한 가지 더 의아한 건 한국의 원전 포기가로 중국에 인력들이 유츌된 후에 중국의 원전 증설이 이우어진다면 아마도 문재앙이 중국에 갖다 바친 꼴이 되는 거겠지. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 군국주의 병영국가 중공, 경악!/"소학생은 미래의 통일전사 박상후의 문명개화 중공이 각급학교의 군국주의 병영화에 박차를 가하고 있습니다. 소학교 어린학생들도 군사훈련을 받는데 모의 박격포를 쏘고 진흙탕을 구르며 기초군사훈련을 받을 정도입니다. 공산주의 전사는 어릴때부터 양성한다는 목표하에 소학교부터 중고등학교 대학에 이르기까지 군사 집체교육을 실시하고 있습니다. 이를 군훈이라고 합니다. 한국식으로 표현하면 교련인데 그 강도가 정규군에 뒤지지 않을 정도입니다. 타이완의 청년이 중공에 유학할 경우 놀라는데 대학 군훈의 강도입니다. 군국주의라고 하면 보통 일본제국주의를 연상하는데 중공은 그보다 더 심했으면 심했지 전혀 못하지 않습니다. 학교의 병영화를 통해 공산주의 전사를 양성하고 있는 각급학교의 실태를 영상으로 요약했습니다. https://youtu.be/KroNzkYhP2c ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- '한반도 평화법'(종전선언) 저지 급하다 이봉규 티비 https://youtu.be/d0ksdY9TeO8 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 미제스의 두 가지 팸플릿을 반드시 읽어야 하는 이유 <자유와 사유재산, Liberty and Property> <중도 노선은 사회주의로 나아간다, Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to Socialism > 정부의 규모가 커지면 정치인, 관료, 이익 집단에 의해 사유재산과 개인의 자유가 침해받게 된다. 그들은 시민들이 피땀 흘려 번 돈을 세금으로 빨아먹고, 나아가 시민들에게 어떤 방식으로 살아가야 하는지 지시한다. 산업혁명의 업적은 토지 소유주들의 손에 있던 경제권력을 주민 전체에게 돌려준 데 있다. 자본주의에서 돈을 버는 방법은 단 한 가지가 있는데, 그것은 소비자들에게 더 싸고 우수한 상품이나 서비스를 제공하는 것이다. 사유재산과 자유로운 시장은 진정한 언론 자유를 위한 전제 조건이다. 사회주의의 지지자들은 핫독을 팔아 돈을 벌어보지 않은 사람들이다. 만일 그들이 장사를 해보았다면, 온갖 규제를 쏟아내는 정부를 지지할 수가 없다. 멕거번 상원의원은 은퇴 후에 호텔을 운영했는데, 너무 많은 규제로 파산하고 말았다. 그제서야 멕거번은 자신의 재임시절 지지했던 수많은 규제법안을 후회했다. 환경운동은 중앙권력 집중을 꿈꾸는 자들의 운동이고, 친환경이라기 보다는 반자본주의 운동이다. 공산주의, 사회주의, 계획, 국가 자본주의 등의 모든 개입주의는 소비자의 권력을 빼앗아 중앙 권력이 생산을 지시하고 통제하는 사회로 나아가게 된다. Why Everyone Should Read These Two Essays by Ludwig von Mises Thomas J. DiLorenzo Like virtually all of the work of Ludwig von Mises, these two essays, his 1958 Liberty and Property and his 1950 Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to Socialism are timeless. They are as important now as they have ever been and will increase in relevance as the growth of government continues almost unabated. The growth of government constitutes an assault on private property and individual freedom by politicians, bureaucrats, and interest groups who seek to keep for themselves more and more of the fruits of other peoples' labor and to use the coercive powers of the state to tell others how to live their lives. The perpetual campaigns at all levels of government for more taxes and regulation threaten to rob us of our personal freedoms while exacerbating social and economic problems. The more government spends on welfare programs, for example, the worse poverty becomes. The more it spends on government schools, the less students learn. The more it spends on government housing projects, the more intense the housing "crisis" becomes. Examples of government failure seem endless. In "Liberty and Property" Mises explains how and why private property is essential to protecting our freedoms and minimizing our exposure to counterproductive social engineering schemes. The main contribution of the industrial revolution, Mises explains, was the great decentralization of wealth which gave rise to "consumer sovereignty." The industrial revolution's main achievement "was the transfer of economic supremacy from the owners of land to the totality of the population." Under capitalism, private property of the factors of production serves a "social function," for these factors must be put to use serving the masses of consumers. Under capitalism "there is one way to wealth: to serve the consumers better and cheaper than others do." "Big business" is only possible if large numbers of consumers can be served. Private property also made (and makes) rebellion possible, for without private property, freedom of speech can be sharply limited. "What would Marx have done," Mises asked, "without his patron, the manufacturer Friedrich Engels?" Government regulation was extensive enough in 1958, when Mises wrote "Liberty and Property," but the virtual explosion of regulation since that time underscores another reason why private property is important to free speech. Namely, the more regulated individuals and businesses become, the less likely that they will criticize the government for fear of regulatory retribution. Private property and free markets are prerequisites for genuinely free speech. "Liberty and Property" also offers clear insights on reasons for the many excesses of Congress, such as its complete lack of fiscal responsibility, its disregard for the costs of government regulation, and even the propensity of some congressmen to engage in personal check kiting at the "House Bank." The advocates of socialism, Mises pointed out, are generally people "who never had to earn a living selling hot dogs." If they had, they wouldn't be so supportive of the regulatory state. This point brings to mind the experience of former Senator George McGovern who, after retiring from the U.S. Senate, purchased a hotel in New England. Strangled by regulation and red tape, McGovern's business went bankrupt, causing the former legislator to admit that if he had understood the effects of regulation as well then as he does now, he would not have been so supportive of it while a member of Congress. Because members of Congress have manipulated the system to effectively grant themselves lifetime tenure, very few of them will ever have to spend much time living and working under the same laws and regulations they impose on the rest of society. Mises also exposes the symbiotic relationship between political and economic freedom. There can be no political sovereignty, he wrote, without economic sovereignty. The abolition or attenuation of private property deprives consumers of their independence and forces them to become pawns of "some social engineer." This idea is nowhere more prevalent than in today's environmental regulatory environment whereby environmental activists in and outside of government use an alleged concern for environmental protection to seize control of more and more private property through nationalization and regulation of land use. Back-door central planning is the environmentalist's ultimate objective. Why else would they have proposed a "natural materials policy," whereby no material could be used in industrial processes unless it was deemed sufficiently "green" by the Environmental Protection Agency? The so-called environmental movement is much more anticapitalist than pro-environmental protection. Back-door central planning through the slow eating away of private property rights is also taking place by the expansion of labor market regulation and ever-increasing tax burdens. Government-mandated "benefits," for example, take more and more decision-making power away from the owners, managers, and employees of private businesses and put it in the hands of government bureaucrats, including hundreds of unelected judges. It is ironic and tragic that just as the world has witnessed the utter failure of socialism in the ex-communist countries, the Western Democracies, led by the United States, are rushing headlong in the direction of a "planned economy" in the name of "environmental protection," "mandated benefits," and other guises. It is this dangerous trend that makes "Liberty and Property" as important as ever as a warning of the dangers of insufficient protection of private property rights. There can be no market economy without private property, and without a market economy, there can be no freedom and prosperity. In "Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to Socialism" Mises pinpoints the essential problem with all forms of interventionism. Whether it is called communism, socialism, planning, state capitalism, or industrial policy, interventionism always signifies the same thing: "No longer should the consumers ... determine what should be produced, in what quantity and of what quality. Henceforth a central authority alone should direct all production activities." Government control of the economy, in other words, replaces consumer sovereignty with the "sovereignty" of a small number of politicians, bureaucrats, and other social engineers. Mises's prediction that middle-of-the-road policy leads to socialism has been borne out in many instances and is in the process of being proven in many others. A current example is the political campaign for socialized health care in America. During the past two decades government health insurance has driven up the price of health care by creating a severe "moral hazard problem." Other forms of government regulation have increased the costs of health care even further. Now that government's own actions have driven the price of health care beyond the reach of many Americans, there are those within the government who are blaming rising health care costs on "private enterprise" and advocating socialized medicine. They conveniently ignore the fact that socialism or socialistic policies are the problem, not the solution. Middle-of-the-road policies lead to socialism. The failure to understand this essential point has led many Americans to take seriously a preposterous chain of "logic" which I call "Friedman's syllogism" because Milton Friedman has popularized it. The major premise of the syllogism is that socialism and socialistic policies have been disasters everywhere they have been tried. The minor premise is that capitalism, on the other hand, has been a great success whenever it has been allowed to exist. The conclusion, therefore, is that the obvious "solution" to our economic and social problems is more socialism! Examples of this type of thinking abound: The "solution" to the failure of government schools is to throw more taxpayers' money at them. The "solution" to a health care "crisis" caused by government intervention is more government intervention. The "solution" to the savings and loan debacle, which was caused by government regulation, government deposit insurance, and, indeed, by the governmental creation of the savings and loan industry in the first place, is more regulation. The "solution" to welfare dependency is to create even more dependency by increasing welfare benefits. The list is endless. "Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to Socialism" provides insights that are necessary to counteract such illogical thinking and dangerous policy prescriptions. Mises exposes what is perhaps the most cynical of all arguments in favor of interventionism – the argument that the purpose of many government interventions is to save capitalism from itself. Because of some supposedly inherent "evils" of capitalism, the argument goes, it must be tamed through government regulation and regimentation. Antitrust regulation, for example, was originally defended on the grounds that if government did not control the alleged excesses of large-scale production, the public would demand something more severe, such as the nationalization of industry. As Mises pointed out, however, precisely the opposite is true. Far from "saving" capitalism from itself, government regulation only weakens it and leads it down the road to socialism. Once an industry is weakened by regulation, political demagogues typically take advantage of the situation by arguing that it is capitalism, not regulation, that is the problem. They then advocate even more regulation, which weakens the industry even further, making complete governmental control ever more likely. Unable to achieve socialism through the outright nationalization of industry, today's socialists try to achieve their objectives in piecemeal fashion through regulatory strangulation. "From day to day," Mises wrote, "the field in which private enterprise is free to operate is narrowed down." The government contrived health care and banking crises are clear examples of this phenomenon. But socialism in the form of government control, if not outright ownership of the means of production is not inevitable, Mises wrote. What is needed is a change in ideology, which can only come from "an open positive endorsement of that system to which we owe all·the wealth that distinguishes our age from the ... conditions of ages gone by." The public must come to a fuller understanding that without private property there is no liberty; that there is no safe middle of the road; and that we citizens are engaged in a constant struggle with government over how much of our own property, and of the fruits of our own labor, we will be able to keep and benefit from. As Mises recognized, "government is essentially the negation of liberty." Our -hope is that the reprinting of these essays will contribute to a further understanding of these principles and to a greater respect for and enhancement of liberty, property, and the freedom to pursue happiness. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------