CDC, '백신' 정의에서 '면역' 삭제 ... 자연면역이 백신보다 13배 효능 강해 NTD Korea 최근 CDC 웹사이트에서는 조용한 수정이 한 가지 있었습니다. 소리소문 없이 ‘백신’의 정의를 변경했기 때문이죠. 이제는 공식적으로 더이상 여러분이 감염으로부터 면역이 되었다는 걸 뜻하지 않습니다. 한편, 3일 전 CNN과의 인터뷰에서 파우치 박사는 대단히 흥미로운 발표를 내놨습니다. 방송중에 그는 이스라엘에서 있었던 대규모 연구 결과에 대한 질문을 받았는데 이전에 감염됐던 어떤 사람이 얻은 자연 면역이 백신을 통한 면역보다 최대 13배 더 강하다는 내용이었습니다. 그래서 이미 COVID에 감염됐던 사람이 왜 백신을 맞아야 하냐는 질문을 받았죠. 그의 답변을 함께 알아보고 이후에는 연구가 어떻게 수행됐고 그 방법론은 어땠으며 구체적으로 결과는 어땠는지 알아봅시다. 매일 보내드리는 ‘Facts Matter’ 업데이트 저는 여러분의 진행자 ‘에포크타임스’의 로만입니다. 오늘의 논의는 백신에 대한 얘기로 시작해 봅니다. https://youtu.be/9w5etmS7Q9g --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 동아일보 WSJ “文, 김정은이 무슨 짓 하든 원조 추진… 김씨 왕조 떠받치는 셈 --->미국은 문죄인을 당장 체포해야 한다. 그는 처음부터 미국 몰래 북한을 원조해왔다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (속보) 중국판 IMF사태 시작 KOREA_2021 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11367332777 https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/markets/stocks/news/investors-brace-for-a-great-fall-in-china/articleshow/86282319.cms 중국 최대 부동산그룹 에버그랜드 (헝다그룹) 파산이 기정사실화 되고 있음 이 그룹의 채무 규모가 3천억 달러인데 변제할 현금을 마련하지 못했기때문임 에버그랜드 주가는 이미 80% 하락했고, 8천만 달러짜리 채권 만기가 다음 주로 임박한 상황 중국 정부가 부도를 막아줄 수 없는 이유가 다른 기업들도 상황이 비슷하기때문이라고함 에버그랜드가 파산하면 어떤 도미노 현상이 나타날 지 아무도 모름 (이런 일은 초유의 사태라서) 일단 확실한 것은 중국 기업 전체의 신용도가 낮아져서 해외 투자가 줄어들 것이고 해외에서 자금을 구하지 못한 중국 기업들은 중국 내부에서 돈을 변통해야한다는 것 해외 투자가들은 중국 투자에서 발을 빼고있고 해외 기업들은 중국 지점과 공장을 철수 열풍이 불고 있음 중국에 한국이 겪은 IMF 사태같은 경제대란이 시작됨 (한줄요약) 트럼프가 벌인 미중 무역전쟁이 드디어 중국 경제를 도탄에 빠트리는 중 --->중국인들에게 다시 악몽이 시작되었다. 그들은 문화혁명과 경제적 파탄이라는 두 가지 폭탄을 맞게 될 것이다. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 대법원, 투표지 증거물 도둑한테 털리다…국투본 '17일 서울남부지법 증거보전 장소 출입문 봉인 파손 고발' 도태우 변호사 기자회견 https://youtu.be/tPk_p08jcqQ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 아시아경제 화이자 "두 달마다 접종효과 떨어져"…전문가는 "지금도 충분" 의견 팽팽 화이자 "백신 효능, 2차 접종 후 두 달마다 6%씩 떨어져" FDA "추가접종 없어도 충분" ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 중공과 내통한 마크 밀리 합참의장, 핵 버튼과 군 통수권 장악도 시도 (밀리를 군사법정에 세우려는 공화당) 스콧 인간과 자유 이야기 https://youtu.be/GzjdsLO4AOo ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 사회적 정의와 코로나 독재의 등장 사회적 정의는 실제적인 포스트모더니즘이다. 사회적 정의의 이념에 따르면, 담론narratives, 나의 진실, 언어 등이 현실을 만들어낸다. 트랜스젠더의 예를 들면, 생물학적 사실에 상관 없이, 자신이 주장하는 젠더가 생물학적 젠더를 대체하는 것이다. 나아가 개인적인 억압의 이야기가 증거나 통계, 역사를 압도한다. 나아가 그런 주장은 권력에 의해 뒷받침 되기 때문에, 반드시 권위주의적인 성격을 지니게 된다. 그리고 좌파들의 주장에 동조하는 사람들은 자격이 없음에도 불구하고 정부, 학계, 기업 등에서 사다리를 타고 올라가게 된다. 역사적으로 볼 때 이들 무자격자들의 권력 상향에 따라 권위주의는 더욱 심해졌다. 과학 역시 동조자들을 규합하는데 열중하는 권력 놀음이 되었다. 코로나 권력이 바로 포스트모던의 행동하는 과학이다. 코로나 전체주의는 사람들에게 의무적으로 백신을 접종해야 한다고 요구하고 있고, 그런 요구를 거부하면 비도덕이라고 말하고 있다. 이제 “과학”은 당국자가 진실이라고 주장하는 모든 것이 과학이 되는 세상이 되었고, 기타의 과학적 탐구는 사전에 금지된다. 코로나 정권은 사기꾼들의 모임일 뿐이다. Social Justice and the Emergence of Covid Tyranny Michael Rectenwald Signs of incipient totalitarianism impulses have been evident since the rise of political correctness. Yet, warnings from those who saw the character of contemporary “social justice” went largely unheeded. Nevertheless, even before degenerating into “wokeness,” social justice bore the seeds of civilizational decline and the simultaneous rise of social and political tyranny. The weaponization of mostly feigned fragility by snowflake totalitarians has been marshaled to abrogate the rights of those deemed offensive, injurious, and even “dangerous.” It also has evinced “paralogistic discourse,” or “[d]iscourse that is out of touch with reality, involving illogical, fallacious, unwarranted premises and conclusions.” Such thinking is characteristic of societal hysteria. This weaponization escalated, germinating “cancel culture,” the buds from which neo-Stalinist purges have since blossomed. As I was first to point out, social justice amounts to “practical postmodernism.” The relativism, subjectivism, and antiobjectivity of postmodern theory, as well as the priority it places on language, have been harnessed by social justice activists and their followers and put to political ends. Social justice ideology claims that “narratives,” “my truth,” and language trump or produce reality. In terms of transgender ideology, this means that declaring one’s gender, or mere (re)naming, supersedes and cancels biology. In terms of critical race theory and the Black Lives Matter movement, it means that personal stories of oppression overwrite evidence, statistics, and the arc of history. Given that appeals to objective criteria are banished, when backed by the requisite power, such claims are necessarily authoritarian. Without objective criteria, there is no court of appeal other than power, and thus such “truths” are deemed incontrovertible. The legal ramifications of practical postmodernism have been nothing less than astonishing. The policies of so-called diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) accelerated the already prevalent upward movement of unqualified persons, those who have achieved important positions thanks to affirmative action and adherence to political ideology. DEI (or DIE) metastasized throughout the culture at large, with signs of the upward mobility of the unqualified seen in government, academia, and the corporate world. On Twitter, the accounts of unremarkable activists and otherwise unaccomplished leftists are granted the official blue checkmark of authority and significance. Historically, the upward movement of the unqualified has been a harbinger of increasing authoritarianism; the unqualified favor authoritarianism, which protects their unearned status, and authoritarianism selects the unqualified, who become avid loyalists of the authoritarian regime. Thus, the upward movement of the unqualified should be taken as a telltale sign. The covid regime has extended and deepened the epistemic crisis inaugurated by postmodernism and practical postmodernism. Paralogistic discourse has now penetrated “the science,” which has devolved into a series of non sequiturs backed by force. Science has become postmodern, proving the claim of the sociologist of science Bruno Latour—in the postmodern world, scientific facts are merely socially constructed statements that become “too costly” to overthrow. Science is now a power gambit that relies on enrolling “allies” in a process of “black boxing” claims. Facts are merely “black boxes” that become resistant to opening. Such resistance comes from the number and strength of other facts and allies—other scientists, businesspeople, the media, etc.—that the scientists can link to their own claims, making for black boxes that become too difficult to open. The strength of a fact is the result of the social network that is created in the process of staking a claim. The covid regime is postmodern “science in action,” to quote Latour. It has never been about legitimate science or public health. Otherwise, known remedies for covid-19 and the dangers of the vaccines would never have been suppressed. Wokeness set the stage for full-blown covid tyranny—the lockdowns, the masking, and now the demonization of the unvaccinated and the institution of the vaccine passport. The weaponization of fragility by the snowflake totalitarians has been extended and amplified by the covid regime, which construes all who oppose it as “domestic violent extremists.” The unvaccinated are the new “dangerous persons,” reprobates who should be locked down, quarantined, and, according to some, shot. The woke and covid have proven to be the same people, and the two concerns have converged at every turn. For example, the covid regime came to the defense of the Black Lives Matter movement when over twelve hundred health officials signed an open letter defending BLM protests, claiming that since, like covid, white supremacy poses a great danger to public health, BLM protests should continue unmolested. As unwitting foot soldiers of Big Pharma and agents of the state, Antifa “members” have harassed and shot antivaccine protesters. Meanwhile, the American Civil Liberties Union, now fully woke, has been silent about cancel culture and the civil liberties of nonleftists. Recently, the organization argued that “far from compromising civil liberties, vaccine mandates actually further civil liberties” (emphasis in original). So much for the meaning of “civil liberties” and the ACLU’s defense of bodily autonomy. Like many corporations and trade associations, the National Football League is also woke. The organization requires its players to be vaccinated or otherwise isolated and penalized. It recently canceled the national anthem performance of Grammy Award winner Victory Boyd for her refusal, on religious grounds, of covid vaccines, despite the fact that the singer would have been hundreds of yards from anyone on the field. The list of woke-covid connections could go on and on. Covid totalitarianism involves the postmodern inversion of reality and morality. The vaccinated now need to be protected from the unvaccinated, even though vaccine was supposed to provide that protection. It is now “moral” to demand that others take injections against their will and “immoral” to resist such demands. The covid regime involves practical postmodern science. “The science” is whatever the authorities claim is true, and all other scientific inquiry is banned in advance. Those engaged in open scientific inquiry and debate are ridiculed and dismissed a priori, and their reputations destroyed. Like the assembly of postmodern theorists, the covid regime is a convention of charlatans. Lord Fauci makes declarations ex cathedra, despite their contradiction of accepted epidemiological standards and his own earlier statements, while the medical establishment and the media go along for the ride. The covid regime is a consensus of postmodern hysterics. The compliant observe superstitious rituals and direct their outrage at the unvaccinated rather than at the authorities responsible for their madness. All of this adds up to the continual elimination of individual rights and the growing power of a delusional bureaucratic state. Only a post-postmodern turn can bring about the overthrow of covid totalitarianism. The tide must turn against the practical postmodern consensus, leading to a reinstatement of the competent over the promotion of the unqualified, the reestablishment of legitimate science, a renewed regard for the value of truth, and the subsequent elimination of authoritarianism from the public sphere. In short, it will require the complete reconstruction of the social order. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 셰익스피어가 그린 로마의 두 모습 폴 캔터는 오스트리아 경제학을 문학 비평에 응용하는 학자이다. 캔터에 따르면, 셰익스피어의 희곡 <코리올라누스>와 <안토니우스와 클레오파트라>에서 셰익스피어 공화정에서 제국으로 변모해가는 과정을 그려냈다. 정치학자들은 로마는 귀족제도 민주제도 아닌 두 가지가 혼합된 정치 체제였다고 보는데, 셰익스피어는 <코리올라누스>에서 바로 그런 체제를 묘사하고 있다. 제국에서는 공직의 보상은 공허해 보이는 반면, 사적인 삶이 새로운 만족의 기회를 제공한다. 즉 에로스가 새로운 권력을 획득하는 것이다. Shakespeare Helps Us Understand Rome's Descent into Empire David Gordon Shakespeare’s Rome: Republic and Empire by Paul Cantor 1976; University of Chicago Press, 2017, 228 pp. Paul Cantor will probably be best known to readers of the Mises page for his pioneering use of Austrian economics in literary criticism, and many will also be aware of his brilliant studies of popular culture. (For the former topic, see my review.) He is also one of the world’s leading Shakespeare critics, and his principal theme in this area is Shakespeare as a political thinker, a theme that proves as illuminating as it might at first appear surprising. Several years ago, he published Shakespeare’s Roman Trilogy, an account of Shakespeare’s views of the Roman Republic and Empire as developed in the plays Coriolanus, Julius Caesar, and Antony and Cleopatra. The book includes as well an analysis of Shakespeare’s portrayal of the rise of Christianity and an arresting comparison of Shakespeare with Nietzsche on the decline of the ancient world. I hope soon to address that book, but for now I wish to discuss Cantor’s first book on Shakespeare, written forty years before his later study and reissued together with it, which lays the groundwork for the new volume. (Although he does not discuss the rise of Christianity in Shakespeare’s Rome, the book gives evidence that the topic already interested him [see pp.220–21n18].) Cantor argues that in Coriolanus and Antony and Cleopatra, the plays discussed in Shakespeare’s Rome, Shakespeare presents a profound account of the transition from Republic to Empire. To some the notion of Shakespeare as a political thinker may appear bizarre: “Ever since Ben Jonson, it has been fashionable to question Shakespeare's knowledge of Rome, and even to maintain that his Romans are merely Elizabethan Englishmen in disguise” (p. 7; Cantor notes that Goethe held this view [p. 209n1]). This opinion, though, imports historicist preconceptions into the reading of Shakespeare, rather than attempt to understand him as he understood himself. In this connection, the author says, “If we assume a priori that Shakespeare was incapable of understanding Rome, we will never read his Roman plays carefully enough to determine whether he had any insights into Rome. It is all too easy not to find something when one is convinced from the start that nothing is there” (p. 8). In his revolt against historicism, it is evident that Cantor is a close student of Leo Strauss. It transpires that Shakespeare knows more about Rome than many of the historicist critics. Some of them, for example, wonder whether the Roman Republic was an aristocracy, because of the Senate, or a democracy, because of the tribunate. In fact, it was neither but was a “mixed regime,” a concept Aristotle originated. “Political theorists have always considered the Roman Republic an example of a fourth form of government, the so-called mixed constitution or mixed regime, which involves precisely the blend of aristocracy and democracy that Shakespeare portrays in Coriolanus “ (p. 9; see also, pp. 209–10n7). It was not only the notion of the mixed regime that Shakespeare took over from classical antiquity. The key to Cantor’s analysis of the plays is another part of classical political philosophy, the view that political regimes both promote and depend on certain human temperaments. The Republic was founded on martial valor. Thus Roman austerity and martial virtue must be understood in the context of Rome…. It is difficult to find one English word to cover this complex of austerity, pride, and public service that constitutes Romanness in Shakespeare, in a way that the one word eros describes the force that manifests itself in such diverse forms as hunger, thirst, sexual desire, and “immortal longings.” Perhaps the best word to describe the side of human nature developed in a character like Coriolanus is spiritedness, a term which has the advantage over alternatives like heart or courage of immediately calling to mind public spiritedness. (pp. 36–37, emphasis in original) Cantor stresses that in this sort of regime, there is no separation of church and state, much less a private sphere of “religion”; following Fustel de Coulanges, and again Strauss, he holds that the gods are part of the city’s civic institutions. “The horizon of Rome and the horizon of heaven are coextensive, or, to put it differently, in Shakespeare’s Rome even the gods are in some sense included within the precincts of the city. Clearly this aspiration to totality on the part of the Roman community goes beyond the claims of the modern state as we conceive it” (p.57). Cantor brilliantly suggests that the resort to private divine visions in the Empire constitutes, from the point of view of the older conception, a decline in religion. In the Republic, the patrician Senate was the primary expression of spiritedness, while the plebeians were more moved by eros; but one should not think that the latter class was entirely bereft of men of spirit. To the contrary, the plebeians of highest ability and spirit were co-opted into the institutions of the Republican regime though the office of the tribunate. Though on the surface, the tribunes could veto any measure of the Senate, in fact the Senate remained in control. This settlement between the two classes depended for its success on concealment, and the senators and holders of high office, such as the consuls, had to “play up” to the plebeians. Coriolanus is a general of unsurpassed military achievement and valor whom the Senate wishes to advance to consulship, but his refusal in his campaigning for office to conceal his contempt for the plebeians leads the Senate to repudiate him. His military achievements go for naught, because he has pierced the veil upon which the institutions of the Republic depend. Cantor makes this suggestive observation. “According to both Livy and Machiavelli, the Roman Senate’s policy was to make one man bear the brunt of popular anger and then sacrifice him to appease the plebeians” (p. 219n28). This comment is especially telling if considered in the light of the work of René Girard, who has influenced Cantor’s work subsequent to Shakespeare’s Rome. Matters were quite different under the Empire, analyzed in Antony and Cleopatra. “To understand why Antony apparently prefers a life of love rather than politics, one must consider how the terms of his choice have changed since the time of the Republic. In the Empire, the rewards of public life begin to look hollow, whereas private life seems to offer new sources of satisfaction. The change from the era of the Republic might be conveniently summed up in the formula: the Imperial regime works to discourage spiritedness and encourage eros, or, more accurately expressed, by removing the premium the Republic places on spiritedness, the Empire sets eros free with a new power” (p.128). Neither Antony nor Cleopatra entirely sacrificed the older conception for the newer, and Cantor sets forward the intricately complex dialectic between the two, contrasting it with the complete absorption into each other of Tristan and Isolde as depicted in Wagner’s libretto (p. 177). In Shakespeare’s Rome, Cantor helps us to understand why Shakespeare was not only a great writer but a great political thinker as well, and that is no mean achievement. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------