2017년 5월 2일 화요일

이해찬의  '보수 세력 궤멸’이란 말은 앞으로 좌파가 집권할 시 일어날 사태를 예시하는 것이다.
 
이번 문죄인의 집권은 전에도 말했듯이 김대중, 노무현과는 다르다. 이미 좌파들은 언론과 검찰을 비롯 한국의 주요 기관을 다 접수한 상태이다.

 이들은 킬링 필드와 같은 무서운 일을 넉넉히 저지를 수 있는 역량과 광기(狂氣)를 지니고 있다. 더욱 두려운 일은, 여론조사상으로 국민의 다수가 문죄인을 지지하고 있다는 사실이다. 지금 한국 사회는 히틀러가 등장하기 직전의 독일과 유사하다.


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탈북자들뿐만 아니라, 문죄인에 반대하는 모든 국민이 집단 망명해야 할지도 모른다.
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조선일보 댓글
 
이우식(lee****)2017.05.0309:34:19신고 | 삭제
<佛誕日告假僧輩>若此神仙戱(약차신선희)能言賣佛陀(능언매불타)有錢通極樂(유전통극락)庵寺滿衆魔(암사만중마)
 
<부처님 오신 날, 땡추중 무리에게 >
신선의 놀음이란 이와 같으리니
/부처를 팔아먹는 말에 능하도다
/돈이 있어야만 극락과도 통하니
/암자와 절에 마귀들 가득하도다. <2017.5.3, 이우식 지음>
 
 
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김승규 국정원장, 홍준표 지지 선언

 

김승규 전 국가정보원장이 2일 자유한국당 홍준표 후보 지지를 선언했다. 김 전 원장은 이날 서울 여의도 자유한국당사에서 기자회견을 갖고 "새 정부의 사명은 안보를 튼튼히 하여 국민의 생존권을 확보하고 힘을 길러 부강한 나라로 일으키는 것"이라며 "이러한 국가적, 시대적 사명을 가장 잘 감당할 수 있는 지도자로 홍 후보를 지지하기로 결정했다"고 밝혔다.

 


 

한때 노무현 밑에서 국가의 정보를 모두 관장했던 사람이 홍준표를 지지한다는 것은, 문죄인이 심각한 문제라는 뜻.
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하지만 기성 정치권에 대한 강한 불신이 담긴 '데가지즘'은 올 프랑스 대선 국면을 관통하는 키워드가 됐다. '앙가주망'을 평생 화두로 삼았던 사르트르가 이 소식을 듣는다면 무덤에서 통탄할지도 모르겠다.

 

김성현 문화부 차장 

 

신경섭(kshin54****)2017.05.0310:32:50신고 | 삭제

사르트르는 대표적인 좌파 위선자. 소위 철학한답시고 말장난하는 인간들 중에 이런 부류가 허다하지. 먹물들.
 
이성제(ggi****)2017.05.0310:13:26신고 | 삭제
레이몽 아롱이 무덤에서 이 소식을 듣는다면 어땠겠는가? 김성현 기자는 아직도 "레이몽 아롱과 함께 옳은 것보다 사르트르와 함께 실수하는 것이 낫다"고 믿는가? 육이오가 터지자, 아롱은 "북한 공산주의 군대가 남한을 기습 공격했다"고 했고, 사르트르는 "미국의 사주(使嗾)에 의한 남한의 북침"이라고 했다. 지식인의 사회 참여? 앙가주망? 학생 때 속은 걸로 족하다. 더는 안 속아.
 
 
 
좌파 사르트르는 과대평가 된 학자이다. 나 역시 사르트르보다는 레이몽 아롱이 더 뛰어난 학자라고 믿는다.

 
 
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 At Last는 자신의 진정한 사랑을 찾았다는 내용의 노래이다. 미국의 수많은 가수들이 이 노래를 불렀다.

오리지널 노래

https://youtu.be/r27Oow49LSU


도리스 데이의 노래

https://youtu.be/oGzFnpiuo_0


60년대에 이 노래를 유행시킨 에타 제임스의 노래

https://youtu.be/S-cbOl96RFM


셀린 디온의 노래

https://youtu.be/CRChD29hBWM


크리스티나 이길레라가 에타 제임스의 장례식장에서 부른 노래

https://youtu.be/dOWpZtnoVZI



비욘세가 부른 노래

https://youtu.be/L00kkZBK0xA


결혼식장에서 신부가 신랑에게 부른 노래, 신부의 노래가 가수 뺨친다.

https://youtu.be/fNLB6qEB7Cc


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                                             출처: 일베


   북한의 삐라에서 하는 말과 민주당, 문죄인이 하는 말이 같다.

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자유주의자들의 동지, 나심 탈레브
 
그는 결정을 내리지만 그 결과를 책임을 지지 않는 정치, 경제, 문화의 엘리트들의 행태와 세계관이 오류임을 폭로한다. 검은 백조는 사회 도처에 도사리고 있고, 통계적, 과학적 방법으로 사회를 통제, 관리할 수 있다는 관료들의 생각은 엉터리이다.
 
What Nassim Taleb Can Teach Us
 
Jeff Deist
 
 
Nassim Nicholas Taleb does not suffer fools gladly. Author of several books including The Black Swan and Antifragile, Taleb is known for his incendiary personality almost as much as his brilliant work in probability theory. Readers of his very active Medium page will experience a formidable mind with no patience for trendy groupthink, a mind that takes special pleasure in lambasting elites with no “skin in the game.”
 
“Skin in the game” is a central (and welcome) tenet of Taleb’s worldview: we increasingly are ruled by an intellectual, political, economic, and cultural elite that does not bear the consequences of the decisions it makes on our (unwitting) behalf. In this sense Taleb is thoroughly populist, and in fact he correctly identified trends behind the Crash of ’08, Brexit, and Trump’s election. He understands that globalism is not liberalism, that identity and culture matter, and most of all that elites don’t understand how randomness and uncertainty threaten the inevitability of a global order.
 
Thus Taleb argues the intelligentsia are not only haughty when they plan our future, they are also clueless: fragility abounds, and threatens to crash the Party of Davos. Hubris results from unearned wealth and prominence, coupled with a blindness to the Black Swans lying in wait.
 
Born in Lebanon to a prominent family, educated at the University of Paris and Wharton, Taleb was poised to become part of the cognitive aristocracy he mocks. But he was never one of them. His hard-nosed persona, enhanced by a dedication to rigorous deadlift workouts, is quickly evident in his notorious interviews and very public Twitter brawls. His willingness to delve into history and religion sets him apart from the neoliberals who hope to wish them both away. Taleb writes for the intelligent everyman, and this blue-collar approach also extends to his description of himself as a “private intellectual, not a public one.”
 
Austro-libertarians will find much to admire in his brilliant takedowns of the “pseudo-experts” he identifies in academia, journalism, politics, and science. But Taleb is no Austrian. While he holds a decidedly jaundiced view of most economistscalling for the Nobel in economics to be cancelledhe does not denounce economics as a field of study per se. Nor does he claim heterodox or reactionary inclinations:
 
 
“I am as orthodox neoclassical economist as they make them, not a fringe heterodox or something. I just do not like unreliable models that use some math like regression and miss a layer of stochasticity, and get wrong results, and I hate sloppy mechanistic reliance on bad statistical methods. I do not like models that fragilize. I do not like models that work on someone's computer but not in reality. This is standard economics.”
 
While he is not averse to using mathematics and statistics in economics, Austrians share his perspective that both are tools for economists. Statistical models are mostly bunk that provide no value to economic forecasters or investors, despite the highly paid Ivy League quants who produce them. In fact, models often have harmful effect of creating a false sense of relative certainty where none exists. It's refreshing to see Taleb make this claim so effectively from outside the Austrian paradigm of praxeology. But if his view of economics is mainline, his tone is Rothbard meets Hayek:
 
 
I'm in favour of religion as a tamer of arrogance. For a Greek Orthodox, the idea of God as creator outside the human is not God in God's terms. My God isn't the God of George Bush.
 
We know from chaos theory that even if you had a perfect model of the world, you'd need infinite precision in order to predict future events. With sociopolitical or economic phenomena, we don't have anything like that.
 
Taleb does see a role for government, and supports consumer protection laws against predatory lending as one example. But he also purportedly supported Ron Paul in the 2012 presidential election, and has indeed mentioned Hayek as an influence regarding the dispersal of knowledge in society. He’s also applied special venom to several worthy targets in professional economics, including Paul Krugman, Joseph Stiglitz, and Paul Samuelson. Taleb labels as “Stiglitz Syndrome” the process whereby public intellectuals suffer no financial or career consequences for being spectacularly wrong in their predictions.
 
This is especially galling to a man who correctly called (and in fact became wealthy as a result of) economic crises in 1987 and 2008. In both instances, Taleb had “skin in the game” as a market trader. His own money and reputation were on the line, unlike the court economists in the New York Times.
 
For an excellent (albeit indirect) analysis of how Austrians and libertarians can advance their cause from a minority position, Taleb’s recent article The Most Intolerant Wins: The Dictatorship of the Small Minority is a must-read. He reminds us that a small minority with couragethe most important form of skin in the gamecan prevail over the slumbering masses. And he also reminds us that courageous individual actors, not 51% mass movements, drive real changes in every society:
 
 
The entire growth of society, whether economic or moral, comes from a small number of people. So we close this chapter with a remark about the role of skin in the game in the condition of society. Society doesn’t evolve by consensus, voting, majority, committees, verbose meeting, academic conferences, and polling; only a few people suffice to disproportionately move the needle. All one needs is an asymmetric rule somewhere. And asymmetry is present in about everything.
 
Economics is lost, mired in a quicksand of predictive models that fail to predict and macro-analysis that fails to analyze. Democratic politics is lost, ruined by bad actors with perverse incentives to burn capital rather than accumulate it. And academia is lost, still stuck in a centuries-old model run by hopelessly sheltered PhDs. Taleb gets all of this, and does an admirable job of explaining it. Austro-libertarians would be wise to see him as a valuable ally and voice in the ongoing fight against states, central banks, and planners of all stripes.
 
Jeff Deist is president of the Mises Institute. He previously worked as a longtime advisor and chief of staff to Congressman Ron Paul. Contact: email; twitter.
 

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In Latest Warning To North Korea, US Releases Video Of Overnight Minuteman III ICBM Launch
 
 
As previewed last night, this morning the US Air Force confirmed that an unarmed Minuteman III ICBM missile capable of sending a nuclear bomb across the world was launched early on Wednesday from California's Vanderberg Air Force base.
 


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- 설비투자 3년여 만에 최대 증가…생산도 플러스 반등 

- 기업경기도 '봄바람'…제조업 체감경기 5년래 최고

- 수출, 6개월 연속 증가 기대…4월들어 20일까지 전년비 28.4%↑

- KDI, 성장률 2.4→2.6%로 상향 

- 코스피, 장중 2210선도 돌파
 
나라 망쳤다고 구속시켰는데, 경제는 나아지고 있다.
 
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