2017년 5월 30일 화요일


보행결輔行訣의 내용은 탕액경湯液經에서 왔고, 보행결의 이론은 황제내경에 기반하고 있으므로, 탕액경은 황제내경과 무관하다고 할 수 없다.

 

陶弘景證明張仲景學過內經

 

필자: 肖相如頻道IDxiaoxiangru0011)

 

有人認為張仲景的學術是經方體系是源於神農本草經湯液經》,而與內經無關
 
 
並認為張仲景的學術與內經有關的證據隻有其原序中提到的撰用素問》、《九卷的文字而在傷寒論中從未提到過內經的文句
 
 
昨天我從仲景傷寒論的診療理論證偽瞭這個命題今天再從輔行訣臟腑用藥法要的角度來看看仲景是否學習過內經》。
 
 
 
 
輔行訣臟腑用藥法要》(簡稱輔行訣》)為南朝陶弘景所著據其所載商有聖相伊尹湯液經法十二卷),為方亦三百六十首
 
 
上品上藥為服食補益方者百二十首中品中藥為療疾祛邪之方亦百二十首下品毒藥為殺蟲辟邪癰疽等方亦百二十首
 
 
凡共三百六十首也實萬代醫家之規范蒼生護命之大寶也今檢錄常情需用者六十首備山中預防災疾用耳
 
 
晉皇甫謐甲乙經序伊尹以亞聖之才撰用神農本草以為湯液》……仲景論廣伊尹湯液為十數卷用之多驗近代太醫令王叔和撰次仲景遺論甚精皆可施用
 
 
宋林億傷寒論序傷寒論蓋祖述大聖人之意諸家莫其倫擬故晉皇甫謐序甲乙經雲伊尹以元聖之才撰用神農本草以為湯液》,漢張仲景論廣伊尹湯液為十數卷用之多驗
 
 
近代太醫令王叔和撰次仲景遺論甚精皆可施用是仲景本伊尹之法伊尹本神農之經得不謂祖述大聖人之意乎
 
 
若果如上述則其正確的關系應為,《湯液經源於神農本草經》,《傷寒論輔行訣均源於湯液經》。
 
 
 
 
現在湯液經已不可得見傷寒論輔行訣已經被整理出來瞭,《傷寒論輔行訣秉承的應該是湯液經的學術體系
 
 
如果這一前提成立則從傷寒論輔行訣的實際內容可以判斷其學術體系和內經是否有關
 
 
由於傷寒論是中醫必讀必學的經典流傳也很廣泛大家可以自己去判斷其與內經在學術上的關系也可以參考我昨日推送的文章有人說張仲景沒有學過內經》)。
 
 
下面來看看輔行訣的內容和內經的關系
 
 
 
 
輔行訣臟腑用藥法要辨肝臟病證文並方
 
 
肝虛則恐實則怒
 
 
肝病者必兩脅下痛痛引少腹虛則目盳盳無所見耳有所聞心澹澹然如人將捕之氣逆則耳聾頰腫治之取厥陰少陽血者
 
 
邪在肝則兩脅中痛中寒惡血在內則胻善瘛節時腫取之行間以引脅下補三裡以溫胃中取耳間青脈以除其瘛
 
 
陶雲肝德在散故經雲以辛補之酸瀉之肝苦急急食甘以緩之適其姓而衰之也
 
 
黃帝內經
 
 
黃帝內經·靈樞·本神第八》:
 
 
肝藏血血舍魂肝氣虛則恐實則怒
 
 
黃帝內經·素問·藏氣法時論篇第二十二》:
 
 
肝主春足厥陰少陽主治其日甲乙肝苦急急食甘以緩之
 
 
肝欲散急食辛以散之用辛補之酸瀉之
 
 
肝病者兩脅下痛引少腹令人善怒虛則目盳盳無所見耳無所聞善恐如人將補之取其經厥陰與少陽氣逆則頭痛耳聾不聰頰腫取血者
 
 
黃帝內經·靈樞·五邪第二十》:
 
 
邪在肝則兩脅中痛寒中惡血在內行善掣節時腳腫取之行間以引脅下補三裡以溫胃中取血脈以散惡血取耳間青脈以去其掣
 
 
 
 
從以上所列舉的輔行訣辨肝臟病證文並方的內容來看它們基本上是來自內經其他臟的病證文並方的內容不在此贅述瞭大家看後會發現結果亦是如此
 
 
既然輔行訣的內容取自湯液經》,《輔行訣的理論內容又基本上源於內經》,湯液經就不可能與內經無關
 
 
 
 
眾醫家均謂仲景本伊尹之法那麼傷寒論當然也就不可能與內經無關瞭
 
 
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탕액경은 상한론의 기초를 놓았다
 
湯液經法奠定傷寒論基礎
 
來源中國中醫藥報 作者錢超塵 北京中醫藥大學
 
漢書藝文志經方類湯液經法三十二卷據傳作者為商之伊尹故又名伊尹湯液》。《湯液經法陶弘景後失傳是以隋書經籍志未加著錄
 
皇甫謐針灸甲乙經序仲景論廣伊尹湯液為十數卷用之多驗北宋校正醫書局林億傷寒論序亦稱傷寒論源于湯液經法》:傷寒論蓋祖述大聖人之意諸家莫其倫擬故晉皇甫謐序針灸甲乙經伊尹以元聖之才撰用神農本草以為湯液》,張仲景論廣湯液為十數卷用 之多驗近代太醫令王叔和撰次仲景遺論甚精皆可施用是仲景本伊尹之法伊尹本神農之經得不謂祖述大聖人之意乎
 
北宋校正醫書局于治平二年西元1065傷寒論雕版刊行自此傷寒論傳本歧出局面結束醫家皆以宋本為定本
北 宋治平二年本為大字本元佑三年西元1088刊刻者為小字本大字本小字本無注不便醫家使用流傳日稀至明幾成絕版明萬曆二十七年西元 1599江蘇常熟著名藏書家趙開美偶得北宋小字本傷寒論而翻刻之逼真原貌後世稱趙開美翻刻本為宋本傷寒論趙開美本刊行後所據之底本旋即 亡佚
 
趙開美翻刻本我國僅存五部筆者皆目睹之手撫之中國中醫科學院圖書館一部臺灣故宮博物院圖書館一部瀋陽中國醫科大學圖書館一部上海中醫藥大學圖書館一部上海圖書館一部真乃書林之奇珍醫家之重寶也
 
趙 開美本傷寒論每卷首頁皆題張仲景述南宋趙希弁郡齋讀書後志卷二雲仲景傷寒論十卷張仲景述明代著名藏書家及刻書家毛 氏汲古閣毛氏藏書目錄亦雲仲景傷寒論十卷張仲景述謂遵循舊說而不別立新義。《論語學而》:述而不作信而好古墨子非儒篇述而不作循而不作。《說文》:循也謂沿循往軌也張仲景述謂仲景遵行舊說而為傷寒論張仲景為時之 大醫當有治驗融於傷寒論然著作主體為循先賢之舊軌錄前人之成方而為書
 
仲景依湯液經法而為書亦見梁陶弘景輔行訣五臟用藥法要》(簡稱輔行訣)。《輔行訣
商有聖相伊尹湯液經法□,為方亦三百六十首上品上藥為服食補益方者百二十首中品中藥為療疾祛邪之方亦百二十首下品毒藥為殺蟲辟邪癰疽等方亦百二十首凡共三百六十首也實萬代醫家之規範蒼生護命之大寶也
 
接著又說漢末魏晉六朝醫家皆以湯液經法為至寶依為軌範並有發展
漢晉以還諸名醫輩張機衛汛華元化吳普皇甫玄晏葛稚川范將軍等皆當代名賢咸師式此湯液經法》,湣救疾苦造福含靈其間增減雖各擅其異或致新效似亂舊經而其旨趣仍方圓之於規矩也
 
輔行訣指出仲景師式湯液經法撰寫傷寒論一部這就為皇甫謐針灸甲乙經序》、林億傷寒論序稱仲景依湯液經法而為書提供了可信資料
 
輔行訣又雲
外感天行經方之治有二旦六神大小等湯昔南陽張機依此諸方撰為傷寒論一部療治明悉後學鹹尊奉之山林僻居倉卒難防外感之疾日數傳變生死往往在三五日間豈可疏乎若能深明此數方者則庶無蹈險之虞也今亦錄而識之
張仲景傷寒論自序亦雲勤求古訓博采眾方其勤求博采者為湯液經法》。
 
湯液經法32卷成書於西漢13方觀之我國方劑學在西漢已經進入成熟階段西漢前期道家思想頗受重視見司馬談論六家要旨》),因而方劑名稱亦受到道家思想影響東漢末社會思潮發生重大變化影響到方劑名稱亦有改變。《輔行訣對此有說
陽 旦者升陽之方以黃芪為主陰旦者扶陰之方以柴胡為主青龍者宣發之方以麻黃為主白虎者收重之方以石膏為主朱鳥者清滋之方以雞子黃 為主玄武者溫滲之方以附子為主此六方者為六合之正精升降陰陽交互金木既濟水火乃神明之劑也張機撰傷寒論》,避道家之稱故其方皆為 正名也但以某藥為名以推主為識耳
張仲景以某藥為名以推主為識改變西漢方劑名稱之道家色彩是方劑學一次重大變革
 
最後的結論是:《傷寒論湯液經法為基礎而成書
輔行訣原藏敦煌藏經洞後為河北省威縣張渥南購得傳于嫡孫張大昌文化大革命中被毀。《輔行訣抄本已出版見張大昌錢超塵主編之輔行訣五臟用藥法要傳承集》。
連結
輔行訣所錄13
下錄之13原載湯液經法》,後被仲景收入傷寒論》。昔南陽張機依此諸方撰為傷寒論一部指此。《傷寒論方證散佚甚多下述13傷寒論中或有名無方或方名皆亡謹錄如下
1小陽旦湯
治天行發熱自汗出而惡風鼻鳴幹嘔者桂枝三兩芍藥三兩生薑二兩切甘草炙二兩大棗十二枚以水七升煮取三升溫服一升服已即啜熱粥飯一器以助藥力稍令汗出不可大汗流漓汗之則病不除也若不汗出可隨服之取差止日三服
此為傷寒論桂枝湯方見第12。《傷寒論陽旦湯名見第30有名無方
2正陽旦湯
上方若加飴一升為正陽旦湯
3小陰旦湯
治天行身熱汗出頭目痛腹中痛幹嘔下利者黃芩三兩芍藥三兩生薑二兩切甘草二兩炙大棗十二枚以水七升煮取三升溫服一升日三服服湯已如人行三四裡時令病者啜白胾漿一器以助藥力身熱去自愈也
此為傷寒論黃芩湯加生薑也見第172芍藥作二兩服法文字少異
4大陽旦湯
治凡病汗出不止氣息惙惙身勞力怯惡風涼腹中拘急不欲飲食皆宜此方若脈虛大者為更切證也黃芪五兩人參桂枝生薑各三兩甘草炙二兩芍藥六兩大棗十二枚飴一升右七味以水一鬥煮取四升去滓內飴更上火令烊已每服一升日三夜一服
5大陰旦湯
治凡病頭目眩暈咽中幹每喜幹嘔食不下心中煩滿胸脅支痛往來寒熱方柴胡八兩人參黃芩生薑各三兩甘草炙二兩芍藥四兩大棗十二枚半夏一升洗上八味以水一鬥二升煮取六升去滓重上火緩緩煎之取得三升溫服一升日三服
此為傷寒論小柴胡湯方見第37無芍藥
6小青龍湯
治天行發熱惡寒汗不出而喘身疼痛脈緊者方麻黃三兩杏仁半升熬打桂枝二兩甘草炙一兩半右方四味以水七升先煮麻黃減二升掠去上沫內諸藥煮取三升去滓溫服八合必令汗出徹身不然恐邪不盡散也
此為傷寒論麻黃湯方見第35
7大青龍湯
治天行表不解心下有水氣幹嘔發熱而喘咳不已者麻黃去節細辛芍藥甘草炙桂枝各三兩五味子半升半夏半升乾薑三兩右方八味以水一鬥先煮麻黃減二升掠去上沫內諸藥煮取三升去滓溫服一升一方無乾薑作七味當從
此為傷寒論小青龍湯方見第40。《傷寒論溫服一升下之大段文字疑為北宋校正醫書局孫奇等所加之注南宋小字本傷寒論或趙開美仲景全書將此注成與經文字體大小相同之字而竄入正文成無己注解傷寒論將此大段文字引為小注可謂有識
8小白虎湯
治天行熱病大汗出不止口舌乾燥飲水數升不已脈洪大者方石膏如雞子大棉裹知母六兩甘草炙二兩粳米六合右四味先以水一鬥熬粳米熟訖去米內諸藥煮取六升溫服二升日三服
此為傷寒論白虎湯方見第176主治表述異白虎湯傷寒論不分大小
9大白虎湯
治天行熱病心中煩熱時自汗出舌幹渴欲飲水時呷嗽不已久不解者方石膏如雞子大一枚打麥門冬半升甘草炙二兩粳米六合半夏半升生薑二兩切竹葉三大握右方七味以水一鬥二升先煮粳米米熟訖去米內諸藥煮至六升去滓溫服二升日三服
此為傷寒論竹葉石膏湯方見第397將生薑換為人參
10小朱鳥湯
治天行熱病心氣不足內生煩熱坐臥不安時下利純血如雞鴨肝者方雞子黃二枚阿膠三錠黃連四兩黃芩芍藥各二兩右五味以水六升先煮連芍三物取三升去滓內膠更上火令烊盡取下待小冷下雞子黃攪令相得溫服七合日三服
此為傷寒論黃連阿膠湯方見第303主治表述異朱鳥湯又稱朱雀湯
11大朱鳥湯
治 天行熱病重下惡毒痢痢下純血日數十行羸瘦如柴心中不安腹中絞急痛如刀刺方雞子黃二枚阿膠三錠黃連四兩黃芩芍藥各二兩人參二 兩乾薑二兩右藥七味以水一鬥先煮連薑等五物得四升訖內醇苦酒二升再煮至四升訖去滓次內膠於內更上火令烊取下待小冷內雞子黃攪令相得即成每服一升日三夜一服
12小玄武湯
治天行病腎氣不足內生虛寒小便不利腹中痛四肢冷者方茯苓三兩芍藥三兩白術二兩乾薑三兩附子一枚炮去皮右五味以水八升煮取三升去滓溫服七合日三服
此為傷寒論真武湯方見第82
13大玄武湯
治腎氣虛疲少腹中冷腰背沉重四肢清小便不利大便鴨溏日十餘行氣惙力弱者方茯苓三兩白術二兩附子一枚炮芍藥二兩乾薑二兩人參二兩甘草二兩炙右七味以水一鬥煮取四升溫服一升日三夜一服
此為傷寒論真武湯與理中丸合方見第386
 
 
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 청와대의 난데없는 사드 대소동
趙甲濟
     
4기 추가 반입을 처음 들었다고? 이미 영상으로 보도된 것인데? 태양이 동쪽에서 뜬다는 사실도 보고해야 하나?
 
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 [심층취재] "북한 장마당 발전 놀라운 수준…되돌릴 수 없을 것"
VOA(미국의 소리)
      
탈북민 주찬양 씨
"요즘 북한에는 두 개의 '당'이 있다. '조선노동당'과 '장마당'"…
 
옌볜大 진창이 소장
 "중국의 80년대 상황을 뛰어넘었다"

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“4차 산업혁명은 핵심 기술이 많은 파생 기술을 유발하며 충격을 준 1·2·3차 혁명과는 다르게 진행되고 있습니다. 4차 산업 혁명을 특정 기술의 혁명으로 볼 것이 아니라 기존 기술이 융합을 이용한 ‘21세기 형 혁신(이노베이션)’으로 보는 것이 맞습니다.”
---신재원 미국 항공우주국(NASA) 항공 연구기술개발국 국장

 원문보기:
http://biz.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2017/05/30/2017053001423.html#csidx1006af6e567653fabde559b97a988c6


----> 처음 산업 혁명이 일어났을 때, 영국 정부가 자금과 기술을 대서 일어난 건 아니었다. 그런데 지금은 4차 산업혁명을 핑게로 정치하는 인간들이 어떡하던 여기에 개입해서, 괜히 헛소리나 하고 떡고물을 챙기려 하고 있다. 이번 여름에 벼락이 쳐서  이 인간들 좀 정리했으면 좋겠다.
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桂枝加附子湯
 
黃煌
   
桂枝湯加味方有強壯回陽鎮痛的功效適用于發汗過多導致的亡陽證以及以多汗怕冷身體疼痛脈弱爲特征的疾病
經典配方桂枝三兩去皮),芍藥三兩甘草三兩),生薑三兩),大棗十二枚),附子一枚去皮破八片)。上六味以水七升煮取三升去滓溫服一升。(《傷寒論》)
 
常用劑量桂枝15g或肉桂10g白芍15g炙甘草15g生薑15g或乾薑10g紅棗20g制附子10g
煎服法以水1200ml煮沸後調文火再煎煮3040分鍾取湯液450ml3次溫服
經典方證太陽病發汗遂漏不止其人惡風小便難四肢微急難以屈伸者。(20
體質要求參見桂枝湯體質
適用疾病各種休克誤用發汗劑之後出現的過汗虛脫心動過緩心肌梗死心肌炎陽虛體質的感冒變態反應性鼻炎哮喘慢性腰腿痛關節炎頸椎病腰椎退變增生腰肌勞損腰椎間盤突出症更年期綜合征等
加減法汗多心悸加龍骨牡蠣更年期汗多關節冷痛加當歸仙靈脾巴戟天細辛心肌梗死或汗出胸痛加川芎葛根紅參
注意事項附子有毒如果用量大于15g宜先煎30分鍾以後每增加10g先煎時間遞增15分鍾

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불교 경제학: 상품이나 소비보다 사람과 창조성을 더 먼저 생각하는 방법
 
불교 경제학의 핵심은 단순과 비폭력이다.
 
Buddhist Economics: How to Start Prioritizing People Over Products and Creativity Over Consumption
 
“Work and leisure are complementary parts of the same living process and cannot be separated without destroying the joy of work and the bliss of leisure.”
 
By Maria Popova
 
 
Much has been said about the difference between money and wealth and how we, as individuals, can make more of the latter, but the divergence between the two is arguably even more important the larger scale of nations and the global economy. What does it really mean to create wealth for people for humanity as opposed to money for governments and corporations?
 
That’s precisely what the influential German-born British economist, statistician, Rhodes Scholar, and economic theorist E. F. Schumacher explores in his seminal 1973 book Small Is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered (public library) a magnificent collection of essays at the intersection of economics, ethics, and environmental awareness, which earned Schumacher the prestigious Prix Européen de l’Essai Charles Veillon award and was deemed by The Times Literary Supplement one of the 100 most important books published since WWII. Sharing an ideological kinship with such influential minds as Tolstoy and Gandhi, Schumacher’s is a masterwork of intelligent counterculture, applying history’s deepest, most timeless wisdom to the most pressing issues of modern life in an effort to educate, elevate and enlighten.
 
 
 
One of the most compelling essays in the book, titled “Buddhist Economics,” applies spiritual principles and moral purpose to the question of wealth. Writing around the same time that Alan Watts considered the subject, Schumacher begins:
 
 
“Right Livelihood” is one of the requirements of the Buddha’s Noble Eightfold Path. It is clear, therefore, that there must be such a thing as Buddhist economics.
 
[]
 
Spiritual health and material well-being are not enemies: they are natural allies.
 
Traditional Western economics, Schumacher argues, is bedeviled by a self-righteousness of sorts that blinds us to this fact a fundamental fallacy that considers “goods as more important than people and consumption as more important than creative activity.” He writes:
 
 
Economists themselves, like most specialists, normally suffer from a kind of metaphysical blindness, assuming that theirs is a science of absolute and invariable truths, without any presuppositions. Some go as far as to claim that economic laws are as free from “metaphysics” or “values” as the law of gravitations.
 
From this stems our chronic desire to avoid work and the difficulty of finding truly fulfilling work that aligns with our sense of purpose. Schumacher paints the backdrop for the modern malady of overwork:
 
 
There is universal agreement that a fundamental source of wealth is human labor. Now, the modern economist has been brought up to consider “labor” or work as little more than a necessary evil. From the point of view of the employer, it is in any case simply an item of cost, to be reduced to a minimum if it cannot be eliminated altogether, say, by automation. From the point of view of the workman, it is a “disutility”; to work is to make a sacrifice of one’s leisure and comfort, and wages are a kind of compensation for the sacrifice. Hence the ideal from the point of view of the employer is to have output without employees, and the ideal from the point of view of the employee is to have income without employment.
 
The consequences of these attitudes both in theory and in practice are, of course, extremely far-reaching. If the ideal with regard to work is to get rid of it, every method that “reduces the work load” is a good thing. The most potent method, short of automation, is the so-called “division of labor”Here it is not a matter of ordinary specialization, which mankind has practiced from time immemorial, but of dividing up every complete process of production into minute parts, so that the final product can be produced at great speed without anyone having had to contribute more than a totally insignificant and, in most cases, unskilled movement of his limbs.
 
Schumacher contrasts this with the Buddhist perspective:
 
 
The Buddhist point of view takes the function of work to be at least threefold: to give a man a chance to utilize and develop his faculties; to enable him to overcome his ego-centeredness by joining with other people in a common task; and to bring forth the goods and services needed for a becoming existence. Again, the consequences that flow from this view are endless. To organize work in such a manner that it becomes meaningless, boring, stultifying, or nerve-racking for the worker would be little short of criminal; it would indicate a greater concern with goods than with people, an evil lack of compassion and a soul-destroying degree of attachment to the most primitive side of this worldly existence. Equally, to strive for leisure as an alternative to work would be considered a complete misunderstanding of one of the basic truths of human existence, namely that work and leisure are complementary parts of the same living process and cannot be separated without destroying the joy of work and the bliss of leisure.
 
From the Buddhist point of view, there are therefore two types of mechanization which must be clearly distinguished: one that enhances a man’s skill and power and one that turns the work of man over to a mechanical slave, leaving man in a position of having to serve the slave.
 
 
E.F. Schumacher
 
With an undertone of Gandhi’s timeless words, Schumacher writes:
 
 
Buddhist economics must be very different from the economics of modern materialism, since the Buddhist sees the essence of civilization not in a multiplication of wants but in the purification of human character. Character, at the same time, is formed primarily by a man’s work. And work, properly conducted in conditions of human dignity and freedom, blesses those who do it and equally their products.
 
But Schumacher takes care to point out that the Buddhist disposition, rather than a condemnation of the material world, is a more fluid integration with it:
 
 
While the materialist is mainly interested in goods, the Buddhist is mainly interested in liberation. But Buddhism is “The Middle Way” and therefore in no way antagonistic to physical well-being. It is not wealth that stands in the way of liberation but the attachment to wealth; not the enjoyment of pleasurable things but the craving for them. The keynote of Buddhist economics, therefore, is simplicity and non-violence. From an economist’s point of view, the marvel of the Buddhist way of life is the utter rationality of its pattern amazingly small means leading to extraordinarily satisfactory results.
 
This concept, Schumacher argues, is extremely difficult for an economist from a consumerist culture to grasp as we once again bump up against the warped Western prioritization of productivity over presence:
 
 
[The modern Western economist] is used to measuring the “standard of living” by the amount of annual consumption, assuming all the time that a man who consumes more is “better off” than a man who consumes less. A Buddhist economist would consider this approach excessively irrational: since consumption is merely a means to human well-being, the aim should be to obtain the maximum of well-being with the minimum of consumption.
 
[]
 
The ownership and the consumption of goods is a means to an end, and Buddhist economics is the systematic study of how to attain given ends with the minimum means.
 
[Western] economics, on the other hand, considers consumption to be the sole end and purpose of all economic activity, taking the factors of production land, labor, and capital as the means. The former, in short, tries to maximize human satisfactions by the optimal pattern of consumption, while the latter tries to maximize consumption by the optimal pattern of productive effort.
 
This maximization of “human satisfactions,” Schumacher argues, is rooted in two intimately related Buddhist concepts simplicity and non-violence:
 
 
The optimal pattern of consumption, producing a high degree of human satisfaction by means of a relatively low rate of consumption, allows people to live without great pressure and strain and to fulfill the primary injunctions of Buddhist teaching: “Cease to do evil; try to do good.” As physical resources are everywhere limited, people satisfying their needs by means of a modest use of resources are obviously less likely to be at each other’s throats than people depending upon a high rate of use. Equally, people who live in highly self-sufficient local communities are less likely to get involved in large-scale violence than people whose existence depends on worldwide systems of trade.
 
Writing shortly after Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring sparked the modern environmental movement, Schumacher presages the modern groundswell of advocacy for sustainable locally sourced products:
 
 
From the point of view of Buddhist economics production from local resources for local needs is the most rational way of economic life, while dependence on imports from afar and the consequent need to produce for export to unknown and distant peoples is highly uneconomic and justifiable only in exceptional cases and on a small scale.
 
He concludes by framing the enduring value of a Buddhist approach to economics, undoubtedly even more urgently needed today than it was in 1973:
 
 
It is in the light of both immediate experience and long-term prospects that the study of Buddhist economics could be recommended even to those who believe that economic growth is more important than any spiritual or religious values. For it is not a question of choosing between “modern growth” and “traditional stagnation.” It is a question of finding the right path to development, the Middle Way between materialist heedlessness and traditionalist immobility, in short, of finding “Right Livelihood.”
 
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풍력 발전에 쓰이는 터빈의 거대한 날개가 탄소복합물이나 섬유유리로 만들어졌는데, 분리해서 재생하기가 힘들다고 한다.  2021년까지 1만6천 톤의 날개를 처리해야 한다고 한다.

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Wind turbines are neither clean nor green and they provide zero global energy

We urgently need to stop the ecological posturing and invest in gas and nuclear

Matt Ridley
 
 
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The Internet Helped Kill Inflation In America, Says Credit Suisse
 
 
"...what’s really killed inflation clearly isn’t the Fed’s monetary policy but the Internet it’s the sharing economy, the network economy it’s the uber-deflationary companies like Uber, Amazon, Airbnb and the like who have transformed most companies and most sectors into price takers rather than price makers."
 
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  자카리아, 좌파들의 불관용을 비난하다 
 
Zakaria succinctly explains that it goes against the whole idea of what Liberalism is supposed to be.
 
 
American universities these days seem committed to every kind of diversity except for intellectual diversityConservative voices and views, already a besieged minority, are being silenced entirelyThe campus thought police have gone after serious conservative thinkers like Heather McDonald and Charles Murray, as well as firebrands like Milo Yiannopoulos and Ann Coulter
 
Some were dis-invitedothers booed interrupted and intimidated
 
It’s strange that this is happening on college campuses that promise to give their undergraduates a liberal educationthe word ‘liberal’ in this context has nothing to do with today’s partisan languagebut refers instead to the Latin root ‘pertaining to liberty’
 
And at the heart of the liberal tradition in the Western world has been freedom of speechfrom the beginning people understood that this meant protecting and listening to speech with which you disagreed.
 
Freedom of speech and thought is not just for just warm fuzzy ideas that we find comfortableit’s for ideas that we find offensive.
There is also an anti-intellectualism on the leftan attitude of self righteousness that says we are so pure, so morally superior, we cannot bear to hear an idea with which we disagree.
 
Liberals think they are tolerant, but often they aren’t.
 
---------------------------------
 
역사상 최대의 금융 거품
중국의 거품들
 
The Greatest Financial Bubble In History
 
 
May 31, 2017 3:30 AM
 
 
Authored by James Rickard svia The Daily Reckoning blog,
 
China is in the greatest financial bubble in history. Yet, calling China a bubble does not do justice to the situation. This story has been touched on periodically over the last year.
 
China has multiple bubbles, and they’re all getting ready to burst. If you make the right moves now, you could be well positioned even as Chinese credit and currency crash and burn.
 
The first and most obvious bubble is credit. The combined Chinese government and corporate debt-to-equity ratio is over 300-to-1 after hidden liabilities, such as provincial guarantees and shadow banking system liabilities, are taken into account.
 
Paying off that debt requires growth, but the growth itself is fueled by more debt. China is now at the point where enormous new debt is required to achieve only modest new growth. This is clearly non-sustainable.
 
The next bubble is in investment instruments called Wealth Management Products, or WMPs. You may remember hearing about in the Daily Reckoning and also covered in Bloomberg’s article China Is Playing a $9 Trillion Game of Chicken With Savers.
 
Picture this. You’re a middle-class Chinese saver and you walk into a bank. They offer you two investment options. The first is a bank deposit that pays about 2%. The other is a WMP that pays about 7%. Which do you choose?
 
In the past ten years, bank customers have chosen almost $12 trillion of WMPs. That might be fine if WMPs were like high-quality corporate or municipal bonds. They’re not. They’re more like the biggest Ponzi scheme in history.
 
Here’s how they work. Proceeds from sales of WMPs are loaned to speculative real estate developers and unprofitable state owned enterprises (SOEs) at attractive yields in the form of notes.
 
So, WMPs resemble collateralized debt obligations, CDOs, the same product that sank Lehman Brothers in the panic of 2008.
 
The problem is that the borrowers behind the WMPs can’t pay their debts. They’re relying on further bubbles in real estate or easy credit from the government to meet their interest obligations.
 
What happens when a WMP matures? Usually the bank customer is encouraged to rollover the investment into a new WMP. What happens if the customer wants her money back? The bank sells a new WMP to another customer, then uses those sales proceeds to redeem the first customer. The new customer now steps into the shoes of the first customer with the same pile of bad debt. That’s where the Ponzi dynamic comes in.
 
Simply put, most of the debts backing up the WMPs cannot be repaid, which means it’s just a matter of time before the WMP market goes into a full meltdown and triggers a banking panic.
 
Finally, there is an infrastructure bubble. As explained in more detail below, China has kept its growth engine humming mostly with investment instead of aggregate demand from consumers.
 
Investment is fine if it is directed at long-term growth projects that produce a positive expected return and help the broader economy grow as well. But, that’s not what China has done.
 
About half of China’s investment in the past ten years has been wasted on “ghost cities,” white elephant transportation facilities, and prestige projects that look good superficially, but that don’t produce enough revenue or efficiencies to pay for themselves.
 
Much of this investment was financed with debt. If the project itself is not revenue producing then the associated debt cannot be repaid, and will go into default.
 
The toxic combination of government debt, corporate debt, WMPs, and unrealistic growth expectations have set up China for the greatest market crash in history. But, not yet. As analysis will continue to prove, political forces will put off a day of reckoning until early 2018.
 
The Middle-Income Trap
 
Most of the debt statistics noted above are well known. Analysts are relaxed about it. They acknowledge that debt levels are high, but point to the fact that China has the second largest economy in the world, and is by far the fastest growing major economy in the world.
 
Even though growth rates have fallen from 10% to 6.5% in recent years, that 6.5% growth is still enviable compared to 2% growth in the U.S., and less than 1% growth in Europe. China’s debt burdens are manageable as long as the growth is there to support the debt.
 
This rosy scenario ignores two harsh realities. The first is known as the “middle-income trap.” The second is a death spiral of rising debt and rising interest rates that choke off growth just when it is needed most.
 
When I studied development economics in graduate school in the 1970s, it was widely believed that the most difficult part of moving countries from poverty to wealth was the initial stage. Societies seemed stuck in a permanent rut of primitive agrarian culture and simple resource extraction.
 
What was needed was a “takeoff” that would move citizens to cities, improve productivity on the land (the “green revolution”), and employ newly urbanized workers with foreign direct investment, foreign aid, and national savings. From there the expectation was that growth would be self-sustaining and economies would grow rich over time just as Japan and Germany had achieved high-income status from the ruins of World War II.
 
It turned out that the first part of this model was true, but the second part was not.
 
In broad terms, the IMF and OECD define a “low-income” country as one with per capital income of less than $5,000 per year. A “middle-income” country lies between $5,000 and $20,000 annual per capita income. Above $20,000 per year of per capita income is generally considered “high income.”
 
Obviously such measures are somewhat arbitrary. Also, because they are averages they mask a lot of relevant information about income distribution. In the case of China, per capita income is about $8,000 per year, but extreme income inequality means that the median income if far less.
 
These figures also do not take into account government benefits and social safety nets than can produce a decent quality of life even at lower income levels. China has no robust social safety net (one reason the personal savings rate is so high). This means the $8,000 per year income figure overstates the income security of Chinese workers compared to some other countries.
 
Even adjusting for income inequality and no social safety net, the Chinese per capital income figure puts it solidly in the middle-income ranks. By way of contrast, India today is stuck in poverty at $1,600 per year. In the high-income ranks, Switzerland’s per capital income is $81,000, almost 50% greater than the United States.
 
In 1960, per capita GDP for China was $90 in constant dollars. The Chinese Miracle is that per capita income has risen 10,000% in less than 60 years, with most of that coming in the past 35 years since the death of Mao Zedong.
 
All of this is consistent with the 1960s takeoff theory I studied in the 1970s. The problem is that this growth is not self-sustaining. It turns out that the path from poverty to middle-income is straightforward, but the path from middle-income to high-income is far more difficult.
 
Moving from poverty to middle-income is just a matter of mobilizing factor inputs of labor and capital. The labor comes from hundreds of millions of citizens moving from subsistence level farms to cities and taking manufacturing jobs. Finance capital comes from export-related savings and foreign direct investment.
 
The result is an explosion of income through simple assembly-type manufacturing and cheap exports. This process is helped by a cheap currency, which China manipulated from 1995 to 2008.
 
Moving from middle income to high-income is a different challenge. It cannot be done with more of the same urbanization and manufacturing. It requires high-value added products that come from education, technological innovation, and entrepreneurship.
 
Germany and Japan managed this after World War II because they had huge reservoirs of human capital in the form of an educated workforce despite the destruction of physical capital.
 
Since then, only three major countries (other than oil exporters) have moved from middle-income to high income. Those three are Taiwan ($22,000), South Korea ($27,500), and Singapore ($53,000). (Macau and Bahamas also made the leap, but those are special cases based on tourism and gambling that cannot be applied to major industrializing economies).
 
China is not alone in the middle-income trap. It is stuck there with Malaysia ($9,300), Mexico ($8,500), Turkey ($11,000), and several others.
 
All of these countries have grown through some combination of assembly-type manufacturing, tourism, energy exports, and commodity exports. None has generated the kind of self-sustaining technological innovation seen in Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore.
 
The prospects for China to break out of the middle-income trap are poor. China’s theft of intellectual property and weak rule of law make it an unattractive venue for technology development. Its Communist Party dictatorship also does not allow the free exchange of ideas, social media connections, and entrepreneurship needed to generate high-value added processes.
 
At the same time, China’s advantages in assembly-type manufacturing are being siphoned away by low-income countries such as Vietnam ($2,100), Philippines ($3,000), Indonesia ($3,600), and others in Central and South America.
 
Of course, the greatest threat to Chinese output in the manufacturing sector in India. There, one billion people are ready to make the same transition from farm to city that China made in the 1980s and 1990s.
 
In short, Chinese growth is in severe jeopardy. Its manufacturing base is being taken over by competitors and its high-tech future has yet to emerge, and may never emerge in time to avert a debt crisis.
 
The Chinese Miracle is no miracle at all, it’s just simple development economics. China is now out of time and out of good options.
 
 
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Fitch Warns Biggest Threats To The Dollar's Global Supremacy Are At Home
 
 
by Tyler Durden
 
May 31, 2017 2:45 AM
 
 
 
The US dollar will almost certainly remain the world's most important reserve currency for the foreseeable future but the lack of a ready substitute does not mean the dollar's current position is entirely assured, says Fitch Ratings in its latest Global Perspectives commentary.
 
No other currency offers the same set of advantages to money managers, including central banks, or is as deeply embedded in the global financial system. Crucially, the dollar is underpinned by the fact that the US Treasury market is the world's largest and most liquid for risk-free assets, and the Federal Reserve operates independently of government with respect to the market, and in implementing policy more broadly.
 
Calls for the dollar's displacement were relatively infrequent - although not entirely absent - when US monetary policy was exceptionally accommodative in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. That changed in mid-2013 when the Federal Reserve announced it would begin to slow its asset purchases, causing considerable turmoil in emerging markets (the "taper tantrum") and appeals to the Fed for greater consideration to be given to the international implications of its policy decisions. The Fed now appears poised not only to continue with policy interest rate hikes that began in December 2015, but to also consider the pace and magnitude of eventual balance-sheet reductions.
 
Perhaps the most plausible scenario for the dollar being meaningfully displaced does not begin with the emergence of a viable alternative, but rather it being undermined at home.
 
 Two pieces of legislation currently working their way through Congress are the Federal Reserve Transparency Act (FRTA) and the Financial Choice Act (FCA). Fitch warns that these transparency-seeking bills, if implemented, would diminish the appeal of the dollar as a reserve currency over time.
 
As we noted previously, US global geopolitical dominance is on the wane driven on the one hand by the historic rise of China from its disproportionate lows and on the other to a host of internal US issues, from a crisis of American confidence in the core of the US economic model to general war weariness.
 
This is not to say that America’s position in the global system is on the brink of collapse. Far from it. The US will remain the greater of just two great powers for the foreseeable future as its “geopolitical multiplier”, boosted by its deeply embedded soft power and continuing commitment to the “free world” order, allows it to outperform its relative economic power. As America’s former Defence Secretary, Chuck Hagel, said in 2014, “We (the USA) do not engage in the world because we are a great nation. Rather, we are a great nation because we engage in the world.”
 
Nevertheless the US is losing its place as the sole dominant geopolitical superpower and history suggests that during such shifts geopolitical tensions structurally increase. If this analysis is correct then the rise in the past five years, and most notably in the past year, of global geopolitical tensions may well prove not temporary but structural to the current world system and the world may continue to experience more frequent, longer lasting and more far reaching geopolitical stresses than it has in at least two decades. If this is indeed the case then markets might have to price in a higher degree of geopolitical risk in the years ahead. (발췌)
 
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