“정치는 무엇이고 계급은 무엇이며 主義는 무엇인가? 전부 버려야 한다. 경제가 잘 되는 정치가 가장 좋은 정치다.”
이 한 마디 말로 등소평은 '공산주의의 종언(終焉)'을 선포한 셈이다. (마중가, 조갑제닷컴)

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서종식(jsso****)

 

2017.05.2307:36:24신고 | 삭제

원전만 없앨 필요가 있나? 그냥 전기를 없애버리고, 엔진도 없애버리고, 자동차도 없애버리고 살면 되지. 그래 호미도 없애버리고 네 발로 기며, 지렁이나 파먹고 살아도 죽기야 하겠나?

유럽에서 탈원전 바람이 불고 있다는 조선일보 기사에 달린 댓글이다. 환경주의자들의 무지와 고집이 필요없는 낭비와 공포감을 낳고 있다. 원전 에너지와 천연가스는 현재 가장 깨끗한 에너지원이다.


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정미홍

 

 

밤새 잠을 제대로 이루지 못하고 뒤척이다 새벽을 맞습니다.
오늘 오전 10시 박근혜 대통령 첫 재판이 있습니다. 
 
구치소 앞에서는 아침 8시에 법정으로 출발하는 대통령을 배웅하고 힘내시라 외치기 위해 수 백명의 국민들이 밖에서 밤을 지샜고, 서초동 법원 앞 역시 이른 아침부터 박대통령의 결백을 믿고, 지지하는 수천명의 국민들이 운집하여 대통령을 응원한다고 합니다. 

진실을 아는 국민들의 그 열정이 눈물겹고, 마음이 아픕니다.
아무런 증거도 없이 죄없는 대통령을 법정에 세우고 재판을 어떻게 하겠다는 것인지 지켜 보겠습니다.  

근거 없이 대통령이 헌법 수호 의지가 없어 보인다는 이유로 파면한 헌재 재판관들도 자신들의 행위가 잘못되었다는 걸 알 것입니다. 

아닌 척 해도 밤이면 악몽을 꾸며, 죽어서 지옥 갈것을 각오하는 니날을 보내고 있을 것입니다. 
법을 안다는 사람들이 쉬쉬하며 하는 말들을 같은 바닥인데 설마... 모르겠습니까?
법을 배우고도 숨어서 비판할 뿐, 권력이 무서워 입닫고 있는 자들은 스스로도 부끄러울 것입니다. 
 
갖가지 의혹과 거짓과 불의로 정권을 잡고도 좋아서 희희낙락하는 반역 집단, 얻는 것도 없이 그 앞에 부역한 배신자들은 아마도 밤이 무서울 것이며, 그들에게 더 이상의 미래는 없을 것이라 믿습니다.

지식인들이 입을 닫는 사회, 거짓이 판치는 사회는 죽어가는 사회입니다. 
 
이런 천인공노할 짓을 벌인 자들이 하나 둘도 아니고, 언론, 검찰. 국회를 망라하여 우글우글하며, 여전히 진실은 외면하고, 박대통령에게 잔혹한 저주를 퍼붓는 자들이 국민이라고 떠드는 이 나라에서 함께 살아야 하는 현실이 정말 귤욕적이고, 통탄스럽습니다.  

그러나 후대를 위해, 역사를 바로 쓰기 위해, 끝까지 진실을 밝히는 길에 서 있어야 한다고 다짐합니다.
박근혜 대통령님, 끝까지 쓰러지지 마시고 버티소서.
진실은 반드시 모습을 드러내고, 승리는 진실의 편입니다.
저 악의 무리들은 결국 천벌을 받을 것입니다.
불법, 사기 탄핵 무효!!
대통령을 석방하라!!

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시민단체가 고소한 돈봉투의 만찬장 참석 중앙지검 간부와 법무부 간부들 10명

*만찬장 참석한 중앙지검 검찰 간부들과 법무부 간부들
이영렬(서울중앙지검장)
노승권(서울중앙지검 차장)
이원석(중앙지검 특수1부장)
한웅재(중앙지검 형사8부장)
정순신(중앙지검 형사7부장)
손영배(중앙지검 첨단범죄수사1부장)
이근수(중앙지검 첨단범죄수사2부장

*법무부 핵심간부들
안태근(법무부 검찰국장)
이선욱(법무부 검찰과장,검찰인사 책임)
박세현(법무부 형사기획과장)

특검에 파견된 실무책임자인 수사팀장 또는 수사팀장급
윤석렬 부장검사
부장검사 한동훈(43·사법연수원 27기) 검찰 부패범죄특별수사단 2팀장
신자용(44·28기) 서울중앙지검 형사4부장,  최순실에 삼족을 멸한다 협박 보도 있었던 인간
양석조(43·29기) 대검찰청 사이버수사과장

부부장검사급 고형곤(46·31기) 서울중앙지검 특수1부 부부장
김창진(41·31기) 중앙지검 특수2부 부부장

[출처] *박대통령 구속한 문재인 추종 검찰간부들과 김세윤 부장판사가 무죄선고 석방해야

 

 

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아직 러시아에 특사로 간 송영길에 대한 보도가 없지만 러시아는 패스한다.
북핵과 미사일에 관한 한 러시아는 당사자라 할 수도 없고, 한국과 러시아 간에 현안도 없기 때문이다.
정규재는 베이징으로 시진핑을 만나러 간 이해찬을 도저히 사절로 볼 수 없다고 단정했다.
그건 외교관계가 아니라 내부라는 것이다. 이 문제는 조금 있다 재론하기로 한다.


도쿄로 아베를 만나러 간 문희상에 대해서는 의자를 예로 들어 격식을 문제 삼았다.
그 표현은 위안부 협상에 임하는 문재인 정부에 대한 아베식 대응이라고 적시했다.
워싱턴으로 날아가 트럼프를 만난 홍석현이 찍고 온 사진은 가장 참담하다.
그건 도저히 주권국가에 대한 대접이 아니기 때문이다.
정리하면 아베는 그나마 사절로 인정해 의자라도 갖다놓았지만
미국과 중국은 아예 특사를 빵셔틀로 본다는 게 정규재의 어제 방송 골자다.


정규재는 그 원인을, 문재인의 국격에 대한 자해 선언이라고 보고 있다.
문은 특사들에게, '우리 정부는 시민혁명으로 성립된 민주정부임을 강조하라'고
특별훈령을 내렸는데, 그게 그들이 대한민국을 경멸하게 만든 거라 단언했다.
벌거벗고 으스대는 장님이 문재인이 말하는 민주정부가 아닌가.


그런데 이춘근은 작년말 이를 더욱 간단히 예견한 바 있다.
한미동맹이 지닌 의의를 이춘근은 이렇게 요약한다.
'한국이 미국과 관계가 끊어지면 중국은 한국을 국가로 취급하지도 않을 것이다.'


이춘근은 국제관계란 힘만이 유일한 factor라고 주장하는 현실주의 정치학자.
그 힘을 규정하는 것은 군사력 경제력만이 아니라 동맹이라는 현실의 요인이 중요하다고 강조한다.
국제관계에서 국익이 추구하는 것은 첫째 안보 둘째 번영 셋째 체면이라는 것은 정치학 1장에 나오는 말.
그 우선순위도 분명하다. 셋째는 둘째를, 둘째는 첫째를 우선할 수 없다는 것!
한국이란 미국 없으면 나라도 아니라는 얘기가 아니라, 한국은 상대적으로 약소국이라는 게 현실이라는 것.


중국으로 하여금 일본으로 하여금 대한민국을 우습게 여기지 못하는 이유는 오직 하나.
한국이 세계 최강 미국을 우방으로 삼고 공수동맹을 맺고 있기 때문이라는 것.
누구를 친구로 삼아야 할 것이냐는 질문에 이춘근의 답변은 단호하다. 
가장 센놈이 친구다!


친구 없이 혼자 서는 게 독립인가? 노무현이 그거 하려다 망했다. 동북아 균형 유지국이 되어보자!
주변국들은 다 적이고, 오로지 우리민족끼리 뭉치면 두렵지 않다!
그런데 독립이란 독불장군이 아니다. 독립은 국력이 있을 때만 가능한데 
독불장군으로는 도저히 국력을 유지하지 못하기 때문이다.

[출처] 문재인의 4강 특사에 대한 정규재와 이춘근식 해석의 차이

 

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장미의 계절이다. 장미는 여전히 아름답고 향기는 아직도 매혹적이다.

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杜甫의 시 《春望》

 

国破山河在，城春草木深。

感时花溅泪，恨别鸟惊心。

烽火连三月，家书抵万金。

白头搔更短，浑欲不胜簪。

 

안록산의 반란으로 나라가 파괴되고 곳곳에 초목이 무성한 광경을 보고

두보가 읊은 시. 좌파 반란과 집권으로 국파(國破)가 예정되어 있으니 가슴이 무겁다.

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여름의 양생:

양기를 보호하고, 따뜻한 물로 목욕하고, 따뜻한 차를 마신다.

夏天養生：護陽氣、洗熱水澡、喝熱茶

 

여름에는 덥다보니 누구나 냉장고에서 꺼낸 차가운 물이나 맥주 등을 마신다. 하지만 한의학적인 관점에서는 여름에 열차(熱茶)를 마셔야 한다. 차의 성질이 원래 차갑기 때문에, 그것을 차갑게 식혀 마시면 위장에 해롭다. 그래서 중국인들은 여름에 뜨거운 차를 마신다. 차는 갈증 해소에 좋다. 또 여름에 목이 마려울 때에는 산매탕(酸梅湯)이라고 해서 매실(烏梅) 달인 물을 먹었다. (냉장고는 편리하지만, 여름철 질병의 주요 원인이기도 하다)

 

우리 선조들도 여름에 마셨던 제호탕(醍醐湯) 역시 오매(烏梅)와 사인(砂仁), 백단향(白檀香), 초과(草果) 등으로 달인 약물이었다. 요즘 유행하는 매실청을 (따끈하게 해서) 마시는 것도 갈증 해소의 좋은 방법이다. 또 여름철에 나오는 각종 과일도 갈증 해소에 좋다.

 

여름에 우리의 피부는 뜨겁지만, 내장은 차가워진다. 여름이면 땅에서 솟아나오는 샘물이 차갑고, 겨울에는 따뜻해지는 이치와 흡사하다. 그래서 차가운 음식이나 물을 계속 마시면 배탈이 날 수 밖에 없다. 여름에 열차를 마시는 이유이다.

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경제학자들은 어떻게 일차대전 후의 독일 경제를 망가뜨렸나?
어느 나라도 경제 이론을 무시하고 무사할 수는 없다.
인간 사회를 지배하는 자연 법칙과도 같은 경제의 원칙들이 있다.
 

How Economists Destroyed Pre-World War II Germany

 

 

•Ludwig von Mises

 

 

This review of Frank D. Graham’s book, Exchange, Prices and Production in Hyper-Inflation: Germany 1920–23 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1930) was published in Economica (May 1932).

 

All the misfortunes from which Europe has suffered in the last two decades have been the inevitable result of the application of the theories which have dominated the social and economic philosophy of the last fifty years. Our troubles are the upshot of much laborious thought. The German inflation, above all, was the outcome of the monetary and banking theory which for many years had obsessed the men who occupied the chairs of economics at the Universities, the men who governed the financial policy of the Reich, and the editors of the most influential newspaper and periodicals.

 

The central feature of these erroneous theories was a total rejection of the Quantity Theory1 and of all the teachings of the Currency School.2 The empirisch-realistische Volkswirt,3 who distrusted every “theory”—especially theories imported from abroad—was firmly convinced that both the Quantity Theory and the Theories of the Currency School were nothing but an inexplicable blunder committed by Ricardo and his followers. The German Kathedersozialisten4​ did not waste their time on the study of English political economy. Hence they were unaware of the problems which were the subject of the long-lasting controversy between the Banking School and the Currency School. The only source of their knowledge of the matter was the book published in 1862 by Adolph Wagner under the title Theorie der Peel’schen Bankakte. Wagner lacked absolutely the gift of economic ratiocination. He accepted without any criticism all the statements of the Banking School; from his book it was utterly impossible to gather what objections the Currency School had had against the theories of the Banking School.

 

The other leading authority on monetary and banking problems, Wilhelm Lexis, was still less endowed with the power of economic reasoning. He, like Wagner, was entirely innocent of any understanding of the Ricardian theory of the foreign exchanges—the “purchasing power parity” theory. Each firmly believed that the foreign exchanges are governed by the balance of payments.

 

Hence would-be economists who owed their education to the teachings of such men were prepared to accept without criticism the doctrines of Knapp and Bendixen, who in the years immediately preceding the outbreak of the war dominated German monetary and banking theory. Knapp, Professor of Political Science at the University of Strasburg, was a trained statistician and had devoted much time in archives to the study of Prussian policy concerning the peasantry. There is not the slightest indication in his writings that he had ever glanced at Ricardo or any other of the British monetary economists. The occasional allusions to Ricardo’s ideas, which one finds in Knapp’s writings, impute to Ricardo opinions which are rather the contrary of what we read in Ricardo’s books and pamphlets. Knapp ignored absolutely the problem of prices. In his view the task of monetary theory is nothing else than the purely formal classification of the various kinds of currency. He had not the slightest idea that government interference in the mechanism of price-making is subject to certain conditions which cannot be controlled simply by governmental decree.

 

Not less fatal for the formation of German views on monetary theory was the influence of Bendixen, the manager of a mortgage corporation, who, inspired by Knapp, wrote some booklets, which expounded the principles of the Banking School. The most striking feature of Bendixen’s contribution was that, being unfamiliar with monetary literature, he honestly believed he was enunciating something entirely new!

 

In passing under review the German monetary and banking policy from the outbreak of the war to the catastrophe of 1923, the most startling thing is the absolute ignorance even of the most elementary principles of monetary science on the part of literally all German statesmen, politicians, bankers, journalists, and would-be economists. It is impossible for any foreigner even to realize how boundless this ignorance was. For this reason, in the last three years of the German inflation, some foreigners came to believe that the Germans ruined their own currency of set purpose in order to involve other countries in their own ruin, and to evade the payment of reparations. Such imputation of secret satanism to German policy does it wrong. The only secret of German policy was Germany’s total lack of any acquaintance with economic theory.

 

Thus Herr Havenstein, the governor of the Reichsbank, honestly believed that the continuous issue of new notes had nothing to do with the rise of commodity prices, wages, and foreign exchanges. This rise he attributed to the machinations of speculators and profiteers and to intrigues on the part of external and internal foes. Such indeed was the general belief. Nobody durst venture to oppose it without incurring the risk of being denounced both as a traitor to his country and as an abettor of profiteering. In the eyes both of the public and of the rulers the only reason why monetary conditions were not healthy was the lamentable indulgence of the government in regard to profiteering. For the restoration of sound currency nothing else seemed to be necessary than a powerful suppression of the egotistic aims of unpatriotic people.

 

It would be very interesting to show that this attitude was the necessary sequel to the whole system of social and economic philosophy as taught by the school of Schmoller. According to the étatiste outlook of this school, power (Macht) is the deciding factor in social life. That even the most powerful government is not free to do everything, that there exist certain unalterable conditions of human existence insusceptible to the influence of the most powerful intervention, are propositions which it never admitted. The study of economic theory, it said, was useless, for the various systems of theoretical economics all overlooked the fact that governments had the power to alter all conditions. It was ready to admit that the Ricardian system was a faithful description of the state of England at his time, but it denied its applicability to Germany. In the realm of the Electors of Brandenburg and the Kings of Prussia everything was different. It therefore replaced the study of economic theory by the history of Prussian administration in the academic curriculum. It taught that there is nothing important in social life but power, and its notion of power was very materialistic. Power in its eyes was soldiers and guns. It had never understood Hume’s discovery that all government is founded on opinion.

 

But to trace this evolution would involve writing the entire history of the transition of the German mind from the liberal thought of Goethe, Schiller, and Humboldt to the militarist ideas of Treitschke, Schmoller, and Houston Stewart Chamberlain. It would involve writing the history of the Prussian hegemony of the nation which has been styled the nation of poets and thinkers, and the history of the Reich founded by Bismarck and lost by Wilhelm II. It is obvious that this would exceed the purpose of these lines.

 

In these circumstances it is easy to understand that the German books dealing with the history of the Inflation Period are for the greater part of little value. They are so full of prejudices, and are often so entirely lacking in the theoretical insight which must necessarily precede all historical description that they cannot even give an adequate picture of the great historical event. For this reason this work by a learned American is all the more welcome. In his Exchange, Prices and Production in Hyper-Inflation: Germany, 1920–1923, Professor F. D. Graham of Princeton University has taken great pains to provide a reliable narrative.

 

In judging this valuable book we must bear in mind that all the experience of the German inflation brought nothing that could puzzle the theoretical economist. There were many things which were quite inexplicable to the étatiste Volkswirt5​ of the Schmoller type, nay, the whole thing was quite inexplicable to them, but there was nothing that had not been observed and satisfactorily explained by the theorist in previous inflations.

 

In reading Professor Graham’s historical survey even those who were witnesses of the inflation must again and again be amazed at the incredible incapacity evinced in regard to the monetary problem by all sections of the German nation. For the economist the most astonishing fact is the inadequacy of the Reichsbank’s discount policy. This is Professor Graham’s verdict: “From the early days of the war till the end of June 1922 the Reichsbank rate remained unchanged at 4 per cent.; it was raised to 6 per cent, in July, to 7 per cent, in August, 8 per cent, in September and 10 per cent, in November 1922, to 12 per cent, in January 1923, 19 per cent, in April, 30 per cent, in August and 90 per cent, in September. But these increases were as nothing when measured alongside the progressive lightening in the burden of a loan during the time for which it ran. Though, after September 1923, a bank or private individual had to pay at the rate of 900 per cent, per annum for a loan from the Reichsbank, this was no deterrent to borrowing. It would have been profitable to pay a so-called interest, in reality an insurance, charge, of thousands or even millions of per cents, per annum, since the money in which the loan would be repaid was depreciating at a speed which would have left even rates like these far in the rear. With a 900 per cent, interest rate in September 1923 the Reichsbank was practically giving money away and the same is true of the lower rates in the preceding months when the course of depreciation was not quite so headlong. The policy of the Reichsbank authorities in encouraging the discount of commercial bills that they might thus mitigate the scarcity of credit was but further evidence of the Alice-in-Wonderland determination of the directors of that institution to run ever faster in order to keep up with themselves. The scarcity of credit was due solely to currency depreciation and the cure prescribed was to increase the volume of means of payment!”6

 

But one should not forget that the Reichsbank was not alone in this folly. The private banks, too, lent money to every speculator who furnished collateral security. It was very easy to get rich by buying shares with the money borrowed from the banks. In this way some acquired big fortunes in a very short time and painlessly. Since then all these much-admired and envied profiteers have lost all that they won, and in many cases even much more—a proof that they were not gifted with great business ability. Indeed, no great business ability was needed to outwit any one of the big German banks. That their managers and directors were really incompetent has been proved by the subsequent failure of the institutions which they governed.

 

It took years for German business men to understand that the mark was no longer a suitable unit for economic calculations. For a very long time they really believed that the profits, which an account of profit and loss reckoned in Marks showed, were genuine earnings. They did not understand that a computation made in a more stable currency would lead to quite a different result. Of course the business men discovered this truth somewhat earlier than the general public. They then replaced the Markrechnung by the Goldrechnung. This was the beginning of the end. The Mark-currency had perforce to break down when its unrestrainable depreciation could no longer be overlooked.

 

As long as the inflation was working, socialist labor leaders and the socialists of the chair were all in its favor and taught that not the increase in quantity of money but the unpatriotic behavior of the profiteers was the cause of the depreciation of the Mark. After inflation was over they changed their minds. Now they accuse the “capitalists” of having of set purpose made the inflation to enrich themselves. For the German public mind every misfortune is due to the machinations of the “exploiter class.”

 

For the economist the German inflation brought some interesting illustrations of his theoretical principles, but no experience which did not conform to them. In this instance monetary and economic theory had nothing new to learn. Of course, the German politico-economic science of the Schmoller-Knapp type had everything to learn from it. But in fact, with the exception of some of the younger men, they have declined to draw the conclusion. Unteachable as they are, they still believe in the theory which attributes changes in the value of a national currency to variations in the national balance of payments. The failure of the policy of inflation they attribute to lack of energy on the part of the government and to lack of patriotism on the part of the people.

 

Nor has the German politician learned a whit more from the inflation. The government and the Reichsbank both believe that monetary troubles arise from an unfavorable balance of payments, from speculation and from unpatriotic behavior of the capitalist class. They therefore attempt to fight the menace of depreciation of the Reichsmark by controlling dealings in foreign currency and by confiscating German holdings of foreign assets. They do not understand that the only safeguard against the fall of a currency’s value is a policy of rigid restriction. But though the government and the professors have learned nothing, the people have. When the war inflation came nobody in Germany understood what a change in the value of the money unit meant. The business-man and the worker both believed that a rising income in Marks was a real rise of income. They continued to reckon in Marks without any regard to its falling value. The rise of commodity prices they attributed to the scarcity of goods due to the blockade. When the government issued additional notes it could buy with these notes commodities and pay salaries because there was a time lag between this issue and the corresponding rise of prices. The public was ready to accept notes and to keep them because they had not yet realized that they were constantly losing purchasing power. This went on for years. But as they learned that the government was determined not to stop with the further issue of notes and that the increase of their quantity must needs lead to a progressive rise of prices their conduct changed. Everybody became anxious not to keep the money in his pocket. The service which money renders consists in its being the commodity which is saleable at the best terms. By keeping money in his purse everybody is enabled to buy in the most convenient way any commodity he may want one day. But when money loses purchasing power from day to day its retention involves a loss. Whoever gets money, therefore, spends it immediately—even by buying something for which he has no present use and maybe even no future use. In the last days of the inflation the employees got their payment daily. At once they handed it over to their wives and these hurried to spend it as quickly as possible by buying at any rate something or other. Nobody wished to retain money, everybody dropped it like a live coal. When this tendency, which on the Stock Exchange was called Flucht in die Sachwerte—flight into investments in goods—became general, so that even the least business-like people adopted it, the end was at hand. The Mark broke down. The government gained no further advantage by issuing notes because the depreciation then outran the increase.

 

A nation which has experienced inflation till its final breakdown will not submit to a second experiment of this type until the memory of the previous one has faded. No German government could succeed in the attempt to inflate the currency by issues in favor of the Treasury as long as the men and women are still alive who have been the witnesses and victims of the 1923 inflation. Made overcautious by what they suffered, at the very outset of the inflation they would start a panic. The rise of prices would be out of all proportion to the increase in the quantity of paper money; it would anticipate the expected increase of notes. The more money the government issued, the less it would be able to buy. The higher the salaries the civil servants and the soldiers drew, the less goods would they be able to purchase. So the government would fail in the endeavor to ameliorate its financial position by issuing notes. From the point of view of officialdom, inflation would be nugatory.

 

The economist might urge that this lesson could have been learned at a lower cost from theory than from experience. Had the German people paid more attention to the teachings of economic theory they could have learned all these things without having to pay so dearly. This is a melancholy comment to have to make after the event.

 

But in any case the monetary history of the last three lustrums in Germany and many other European countries proves that no nation can afford to treat economic theory with contempt.

 

 

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유투브 비디오를 보디 달걀 껍질이 우리의 치아의 성분과 유사해서 섭취하면 좋다고 한다. 그런데 그 방법이 껍질을 으깨어 식사 때마다 소량 섭취하는 것이다.

하지만 그보다 더 좋은 방법이 있다. 그건 바로 티비에서도 몇 번 소개된 초란(醋卵)이라는 거다. 식초 안에 달걀을 몇 개 담갔다가, 3 ~ 4 주 뒤에 마시면, 달걀 껍질이 식초에 용해되어 식초와 함께 마실 수가 있다.


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Nancy Sinatra & Lee Hazlewood가 부른
Summer Wine

https://youtu.be/Ib_eW9VSUwM

가사의 내용은 포도주를 잘 얻어 마시고 은제  박차를 싼값에 넘겼다는 싱거운 이야기인데, 곡이 귀에 거슬리지 않고 남자 가수의 목소리가 매력적이다.

Strawberries cherries and an angel's kiss in spring

My summer wine is really made from all these things

 

I walked in town on silver spurs that jingled to

A song that I had only sang to just a few

She saw my silver spurs and said lets pass some time

And I will give to you summer wine

Ohh-oh-oh summer wine

 

Strawberries cherries and an angel's kiss in spring

My summer wine is really made from all these things

Take off your silver spurs and help me pass the time

And I will give to you summer wine

Ohhh-oh summer wine

 

My eyes grew heavy and my lips they could not speak

I tried to get up but I couldn't find my feet

She reassured me with an unfamiliar line

And then she gave to me more summer wine

Mmm-mm summer wine

 

Strawberries cherries and an angel's kiss in spring

My summer wine is really made from all these things

Take off your silver spurs and help me pass the time

And I will give to you summer wine

Mmm-mm summer wine

 

When I woke up the sun was shining in my eyes

My silver spurs were gone my head felt twice its size

She took my silver spurs a dollar and a dime

And left me cravin' for more summer wine

Ohh-oh-oh summer wine

 

Strawberries cherries and an angel's kiss in spring

My summer wine is really made from all these things

Take off your silver spurs and help me pass the time

And I will give to you summer wine

Mmm-mm summer wine

 

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감세를 가능하게 하기 위해 트럼프 정부가 10년에 걸쳐 3.6 조 달러의 예산 감축을 계획하고 있다.

 

Trump Seeks Historic $3.6 Trillion In Spending Cuts, Including Selling Half The US Strategic Oil Reserve

 

 

by Tyler Durden

May 23, 2017 6:19 AM

 

 

More details of President Donald Trump's first budget proposal were reported Monday by Bloomberg and Reuters. The leaks add to the picture of what we know about Trump’s budget, which also includes a flurry of leaks published by The Washington Post, the Associated Press and Bloomberg late Sunday, which fleshed out Trump’s plans to slash entitlement spending.

 

In total, the budget plans to trim $3.6 trillion in spending over 10 years across all discretionary spending and non-discretionary spending lines, in order to enable tax reductions across the board: if enacted - and remember that the president's budget is just an initial blueprint which rarely passes in its original form - the Trump administration would implement the deepest cuts to government programs in a generation, delivering the opening salvo in a new round of budget battles in Washington. (zero hedge, 발췌)

 

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2차 대전 이후로 서구 세계에 대한 문화 전쟁이 벌어지고 있다. 우리는 이제 좌파들이 세운 기관과 제도들을 파괴해야 한다. 좌파들이 점령한 대학을 불태워버리자!

 

Lets Burn Down the Universities

 

J collins/May 13, 2017/

 

 

 

An Offensive Act of Self Defence to Save the Great School of Western Thought

 

It should be clear to all reasoning people with the ability for critical thinking that a pattern of cultural warfare has been unfolding against the Western world since at least the end of World War Two. The contrast between what was then and what is now is stark and frightening. It should serve as all the evidence we require to make the final determination about what has been happening.

 

The complete destruction of the traditional family unit has taken place through a process of indirect and direct attacks against the proven characteristics of Western civilization. It should be obvious that media and art have orchestrated a well-thought out strategy of cultural warfare against the masculine and feminine ideals and support columns of culture.

 

This strategy has attacked the natural and instinctual strengths of both men and women while promoting the weakness from within each of us as individuals. The battles of this cultural attack have been orchestrated and waged from inside the once great structures of Western thought.

 

Our educational buildings and curriculums have been used to erode and shatter all the ideals of natural and instinctual existence which have developed within the Western mind. The more we remember and rediscover, the more we realize that almost everything which is taught in our schools is either a corrupt twisted version of truth, or is an outright lie and fabrication....

 

 

Now is the time to act and reverse the momentum which has thus far worked against us. We need to tear down the institutions and framework of the simulated world which has built up around us. The great school of the Western mind cannot be destroyed and it will never stop learning. In fact, this challenge, the one we have been faced with now for generations, could very well end up being one of our greatest lessons and opportunities for advancement. – JC

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 梳拢，也作梳櫳、梳弄
옛날 기생들이 입문해서 첫번째 손님을 맞아들일 때, 그것을 머리 얹는다, 올린다고 불렀는데, 중국어로 수롱梳拢이라고 한다.

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