김정은이 월남식 평화협정 공세로 나올 때
조갑제
한국은 북한의 비핵화가 전제되지 않는 종전선언 및 평화협정 논의 자체를 반대해야 하는데 문재인 대통령은 비핵화와 평화협정 논의를 동시에 추진하겠다는 입장이다. 지금은 평화협정을 논의할 수 있는 신뢰 구축이 전혀 되어 있지 않다. 구경꾼 입장이 되어 미국과 월맹에 평화협상을 맡겼다가 망한 월남의 사례는 한국에 좋은 교훈이 될 것이다.
전쟁 자체를 해결하지 않은 채 맺은 평화협정은 월맹에 의하여 2년 뒤 휴지가 되고 협정 정신을 믿었던 월남은 망하고 수십 만 명의 월남인들은 보트 피플이 되어 남중국해를 떠돌다가 상어 밥이 되었다. 도쿠가와 이에야스는 “적의 말을 믿는 자는 삼족을 멸해야 한다”는 말을 하였다고 한다.
수미 테리 전 백악관 국가안보회의 한국담당 보좌관은 지난 해 2월 하원 외교위 청문회에서 미북 간 평화협정에 반대한다는 입장을 밝혔다. 그는 서면 증언에서 “북한은 정전협정을 대체할 효과적이고 지속적인 평화 기구를 구축하려는 목적이 아니라, 한국에서 미군을 철수시키고 미한(美韓)동맹을 해체시키기 위해 평화협정을 요구하고 있다”고 주장했다.(발췌)
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어느 남파 간첩의 위장 전향
월명(회원)
얼마 전 심심하던 차에 그의 근황이 궁금하여 알아본 결과 그가 이미 세상을 떠났다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 문제는 그가 말년에 수많은 좌파 학자들을 길러내는 데 많은 기여를 했다는 사실이다. 그가 정부 산하의 연구원을 하다가 노태우 정부 이후 권위주의 정부가 약화되자, 그는 다음과 같이 선언을 했다고 한다. "이제까지는 노예의 언어로 글을 써왔다. 민족 문제의 해결이 없이는 계급 문제도 해결될 수 없다. 이제부터는 나의 주체적 언어로 말하고 글을 쓰겠다"라고 말했던 것이다. 그후의 행적을 검색해 보니 그는 결코 전향을 하지 않았고, 좌파 학자들을 양성하고 통일 운동을 열심히 하다가 세상을 떠났던 것이다. 그의 묘비에는 '통일애국지사'라는 문구가 적혀 있다고 한다.
위의 글에서 지칭하는 "그"가 궁금해서 찾아보니, 다음과 같은 결과가 나왔다. 아래는 인터넷에서 캡처한 김남식의 생애이다
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흉기차도 금융권도 선생들도
하여간 노조 있는 집단치고 생산성 좋고 활력있는 곳을 못 봤다
선진국들은 노동 유연화로 4차 산업 혁명 시대에 맞춰서 움직이는데
금융권 새키들 정말 문제다 한국이 무슨 금융 국가도 아니고
금융 생산성 그리 높지도 않은데 지들끼리 노조 만들어서 밥그릇만 챙긴다
무슨 퇴직금 요구하는거 보면 월스트리트 애들이 턱 내려갈 정도다
자본주의 기본이 소비자 중심인데 은행을 보면 전혀 소비자 중심이 아님
난 캐나다 살다 왔는데 거기도 은행 7시까지 문열고 토요일에도 오전에는 업무봄
근데 이새키들은 그냥 문 열고 닫고가 행원들 편하라고 있는 시간이지 소비자 중심이 전혀 아님
정말 이거 안 뜯어 고치면 한국은 점점 더 도태된 갈라파고스 될거다
물론 느릅나무 씹양아치 운동권 새키들은 "허허 노동자 세상이니 노동자를 위해 쉬어야죠" 라며
위하는 척하면서 노조 요구 맞춰주고 정작 노조 밖에 있는 90% 근로자들의 생활은 악화될거임
그걸 알아라 진보 좌파의 정신줄은 북한이지만 돈줄은 노조다
[출처] 노조있는 집단은 그냥 다 양아치라고 보면 된다/ 일베
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1.현재 한국에서 매크로를 가장 많이 쓰는 곳은
게임머니공장들이다
2. 매크로는 프로그램도 있고 하드웨어 매크로도 있다
프로그램 매크로는 게임사보안시스템에 걸릴 가능성이 많아서
완벽한 핵킹,조작을 위해 요즘은 기계를 통한 하드웨어 매크로가 많이 쓰인다
3. 내가 볼때 네이버 댓글조작 매크로는 그야말로 초보중에 초보매크로 프로그램으로
생각된다
4. 돈을 많이 들이면 들일수록 기가막힌 매크로프로그램이 탄생할수도 있다
5. 요즘은 게임머니 공장들이 한국뿐만 아니라 해외에서 주로 활동한다
6. 네이버 댓글조작은 해외IP댓글, 추천만 막아도 상당한 효과를 볼수있다고 본다
7. 추측하건데 한국활동 매크로 조직은 검찰이 맘만 먹으면 싸그리 소탕 가능하다고 생각된다
그것도 단시일 안에
8.게임머니 공장 세계적으로 큰곳은 역시나 짱깨들이 운영한다 ㅋㅋ
9.한국에서 가장 기술적으로 발달한 매크로 적발 노하우를 갖고 있는곳은
아이러니 하게도 안철수가 만든 안랩으로 생각된다
현재 정치인중에 안철수가 솔직히 가장 전문가로 볼수도 있다 ㅋㅋ
[출처] 댓글조작의 매크로에 대한 간단한 HINT / 일베
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이건 친중 간첩이 아니면 하기 힘든 일이다. 수 백 조가 넘는 기술가치를 중국에 넘기는 거라고 한다. 노동자와 국민의 생명 수 십, 수백만명이 영향을 받을 수 있는데, 작업장의 수백명이 더 중요하다고 한다. 미치지 않고는 이런 결정을 내릴 수가 없다.
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이번에도 검찰이 들어와서 사건을 쥐꼬리로 만들어놓고 끝내려는 것 같다.
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박 대통령이 탄핵된 2016년에 일어난 일/ 출처 일베
선요약
1. 2016년 2월 개성공단 폐쇄 후 3월 노동신문에 '박근혜를 탄핵'하라는 사설 실림
2. 4월 총선 참패 후 7월 15일부터 16년만에 새로운 V15 난수방송 시작됨
(신 V15는 인터넷 암호에 서투른 10년 이상의 고첩을 위한 것이라 함)
3. 10월 24일 JTBC 최순실 태블릿 방송.
이 글 쓸려고 처음 가입했다. 드루킹 관련해서 2016년에 어떤 일이 있었나 알아보던 중 흥미로운 일들이 꽤나 많은 것 같아서 올린다. 참조바람.
2월 10일
개성공단이 패쇄된다. (북한의 핵실험과 ICBM에 대한 대응)
3월 8일
북한이 한국 외교책임자 40여명의 핸드폰을 해킹, 문자와 음성 등 정보를 빼돌린다.
3월 26일
노동신문에 '박근혜를 탄핵하라'는 사설이 실린다.
4월 13일
새누리당 총선 참패. 이 때 드루킹은 경공모 회원 중 1명을 노회찬 자원봉사자로 서포트
7월 15일
16년만에 신V15 난수방송이 평양방송을 통해 전파된다. 신V15는 인터넷 암호에 서투른 10년 이상의 고정 간첩들이 이용할 가능성이 있었다고 함.
이 때부터 매월 난수방송이 있었으며 2017년 1월에 중단된다. (출처 : 나무위키, VOA)
10월 4일
10. 4 남북 정상회담 기녕행사의 주최측으로 참석한다. (주최는 국민의 명령, 시민광장, 정의당 고양파주 지역 위원회, 참여 네크워크, 파주 녹색당 및 시민참여연대, 현장 사진 연구소, 그리고 경제적 공진화 모임)
10월 24일
JTBC가 최순실 태블릿 PC를 최초 보도한다.
2016년 9월 북한 핵실험
핵탄두 소형화성공
2016년 10월초
박정부 미국에 전술핵 요구
오바마 거절
10월1일 국군의날에
박근헤 탈북권유함
선전포고한거
10월 22일 미국 북한
말레이시아 쿠알라룸프르에서 비밀회담(출처 일베)
핵탄두 소형화성공
2016년 10월초
박정부 미국에 전술핵 요구
오바마 거절
10월1일 국군의날에
박근헤 탈북권유함
선전포고한거
10월 22일 미국 북한
말레이시아 쿠알라룸프르에서 비밀회담(출처 일베)
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미국의 필라델피아에서 사우스웨스트 항공이 사고로 엔진 하나가 날아갔는데, 침착하게 비행기를 착륙시켜 100명이 넘는 승객을 살린 사람은 위의 사진에 보이는 여성 조종사 Tammie Jo Shults였다. 위의 사건으로 그녀는 미국에서 영웅이 되었다.
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자기 조직화 구조의 기능을 설명하면서, 그 구조를 어느 창조적인 인간에 의해 만들어졌다고 하고 싶은 유혹이 크다. 그래서 흄의 추종자 중 일부는 그의 용어 "인공적"을 이런 식으로 해석해서, 그 위에 공리주의 윤리학을 만들었다. 그 윤리학에 따르면 인간은 도덕을 선택함에 있어 알려진 효용에 따라 의식적으로 해야 한다는 것이다.
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사람들이 당신이 싫어하는 것들에 표를 줄 때는: 인기영합주의
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최대의 채권국가와 싸움을 거는 미국
2017년 12월 31일 현재 중국의 상업은행이 보유한 자산은 40조 달러 또는 세계 GDP의 50.5%이다. 이렇게 거대한 은행집단은 이전에 없었다.
최신 블룸버그 뉴스에 따르면 중국은 세계 최고의 외환보유국으로, 3.1 조 달러라고 한다.
미국 최대의 채권국인 중국과 무역 전쟁을 벌이려는 것, 더구나 유동성 문제로 금융 시스템이 붕괴 위기에 있는 중국과 무역 전쟁을 한다는 것은, 금리를 폭등시키고 금융권을 붕괴시키는 처방이 될 것이다.
America Picks a Fight With its Largest Foreign Creditor
•Doug French
Ex-Wharton student and WWE hall of famer, Donald J. Trump, is thinking $30 billion isn’t a large enough smackdown to those stealers of intellectual property (as if that’s a legitimate thing), the Chinese. Trump urged US Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer to aim bigly, warning those during the tariff powwow that they should prepare for an announcement during the coming weeks.
Politico reports,
Steel tariffs are one thing. Taking on the entire Chinese industrial policy apparatus that is designed to suck technology out of the world is another,” said one outside adviser to the administration who has been briefed on the planning and was not authorized to speak on the record.
Beijing doesn’t plan to take this lying down, according to the Wall Street Journal.
China is preparing to hit back at trade offensives from Washington with tariffs aimed at President Donald Trump’s support base, including levies targeting U.S. agricultural exports from Farm Belt states, according to people familiar with the matter.
As Frédéric Bastiat wrote, “In the economic sphere an act, a habit, an institution, a law produces not only one effect, but a series of effects. Of these effects, the first alone is immediate; it appears simultaneously with its cause; it is seen. The other effects emerge only subsequently; they are not seen; we are fortunate if we foresee them.”
I don’t pretend to have any answers as to the results of this trade kerfuffle, should it happen. However, Jim Grant wrote a couple weeks ago in Grant’s Interest Rate Observer, “The whole world lives at the end of the whip of China’s credit growth.”
China, as large and populous as it is, might be considered a bank with a country attached. “The sheer size of China’s financial system is hard to grasp,” writes Mr. Grant’s right hand man, Evan Lorenz. “It is literally fantastic. As of Dec. 31, 2017, assets in Chinese commercial banks stood at $40 trillion, or 50.5% of total world GDP. (my emphasis) There is no precedent for a banking system this great.”
Lorenz tells us China’s GDP is $13.1 trillion, while America’s GDP is $19.4 trillion. U.S. commercial bank footings total $17.4 trillion. The People’s Bank of China (PBoC) has been papering over bad loans for decades, as I wrote about Carl E. Walter and Fraser J.T. Howie’s book Red Capitalism: The Fragile Financial Foundation of China's Extraordinary Rise on Mises.org in 2011, “As nonperforming loans are pushed from good banks to bad, with China's Ministry of Finance providing its guarantee to the bad loans at par, banking life goes on, and the economic miracle remains alive, backstopped by the lender of last resort, the People's Bank of China, levered at 1,233 to 1. The result is underlying assets are never liquidated and zombie banks and crony-led corporations are left in place to squander capital.”
One of the footnotes of the crash of 2008 was the collapse of Iceland, chronicled by David Howden and Philipp Bagus, in their book Deep Freeze. In their introduction, Howden and Bagus write of a surging banking system,
During the several years leading up to the collapse, Iceland experienced an economic boom. The Icelandic financial system expanded considerably; a nation with a population only slightly larger than Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and a physical size smaller than the American state of Kentucky erected a banking system whose total assets were ten times the size of the country’s GDP.
Ultimately, the country’s currency collapsed, taking it’s banking system and the entire economy with it. Howden and Bagus believe Iceland’s crisis was “the result of two banking practices that, in combination, proved to be explosive: excessive maturity mismatching and currency mismatching.”
Money flooded into Iceland leading to malinvestments that the crash would unwind. China’s self-made money creation has taken malinvestment to an absurd level. Prices for residential building lots increased 126% in just the past two years. “Coming to the end of their ability to find investment projects,” Grant’s cites Anne Stevenson-Yang as writing, “some cities have adopted a strategy of destroying new but unused buildings and public facilities in order to make room for more, since construction adds to GDP.”
However, Grant’s reports of three failed Beijing land auctions in January, suggesting, “the real estate market is far from its old bubbly self.” Should asset prices tank, renminbi will surely flee, putting downward pressure on the currency’s price and accentuating Trump’s drum beat for (trade) war.
China holds the world’s largest foreign-exchange reserves, at $3.1 trillion. Bloomberg recently reported,
China’s portfolio of U.S. bonds, notes and bills sank to $1.17 trillion in January from $1.18 trillion a month earlier, according to Treasury Department data released Thursday. China remains the largest foreign creditor to the U.S., followed by Japan, whose holdings rose for the first month since July, to $1.07 trillion from $1.06 trillion.
President Trump continually tells crowds how smart he is. However, pursuing a trade war with your largest creditor, who just happens to have a financial system on the edge of insolvency, is a recipe for exploding interest rates and a financial meltdown. Brilliant.
Douglas French is former president of the Mises Institute, author of Early Speculative Bubbles & Increases in the Money Supply , and author of Walk Away: The Rise and Fall of the Home-Ownership Myth.
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집합주의는 당파적 도그마의 하나로, 특정한 이상에 헌신하고 그 외의 모든 것은 배격하는 사상이라고 말할 수 있다.
따라서 모든 집합주의적 이론은 타협할 수 없는 투쟁과 죽음의 전쟁을 예고하는 메신저이다.
The Group vs. the Collective
•Ludwig von Mises
[Excerpt from Epistemological Problems of Economics, chap. 1]
The reproach of individualism is commonly leveled against economics on the basis of an alleged irreconcilable conflict between the interests of society and those of the individual. Classical and subjectivist economics, it is said, give an undue priority to the interests of the individual over those of society and generally contend, in conscious denial of the facts, that a harmony of interests prevails between them. It would be the task of genuine science to show that the whole is superior to the parts and that the individual has to subordinate himself to, and conduct himself for, the benefit of society and to sacrifice his selfish private interests to the common good.
In the eyes of those who hold this point of view society must appear as a means designed by Providence to attain ends that are hidden from us. The individual must bow to the will of Providence and must sacrifice his own interests so that its will may be done. His greatest duty is obedience. He must subordinate himself to the leaders and live just as they command.
But who, one must ask, is to be the leader? For many want to lead, and, of course, in different directions and toward different goals. The collectivists, who never cease to pour scorn and derision on the liberal theory of the harmony of interests, pass over in silence the fact that there are various forms of collectivism and that their interests are in irreconcilable conflict. They laud the Middle Ages and its culture of community and solidarity, and with romantic sentimentality they wax ecstatic over the communal associations "in which the individual was included, and in which he was kept warm and protected like fruit in its rind." But they forget that papacy and empire, for example, opposed each other for hundreds of years and that every individual could find himself at any time in the position of having to choose between them. Were the inhabitants of Milan also "kept warm and protected like fruit in its rind" when they had to hand over their city to Frederick Barbarossa? Are there not various factions fighting today on German soil with bitter anger, each of which claims to represent the only true collectivism? And do not the Marxian socialists, the national socialists, the church, and many other parties approach every individual with the demand: join us, for you belong in our ranks, and fight to the death the "false" forms of collectivism? A collectivist social philosophy that did not designate a definite form of collectivism as true and either treat all others as subordinate to it or condemn them as false would be meaningless and vain. It must always tell the individual: Here you have an unquestionably given goal, because an inner voice has revealed it to me; to it you must sacrifice everything else, yourself above all. Fight to victory or death under the banner of this ideal, and concern yourself with nothing else.
Collectivism, in fact, can be stated in no other way than as partisan dogma in which the commitment to a definite ideal and the condemnation of all others are equally necessary. Loyola did not preach just any faith, but that of the Church of Rome. Lagarde did not advocate nationalism, but what he regarded as German nationalism. Church, nation, state in abstracto are concepts of nominalistic science. The collectivists idolize only the one true church, only the "great" nation — the "chosen" people who have been entrusted by Providence with a special mission — only the true state; everything else they condemn.
For that reason all collectivist doctrines are harbingers of irreconcilable hatred and war to the death.
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퍼거슨은 더욱 강력한 국가의 위계 조직을 요구하며 끝을 맺는다. 미래의 사이버 전쟁과 이슬람 지하드 전사들과 싸우기 위해 필요하다는 것이다. <The Square and the Tower>의 독자들은 국가의 사악함에 대한 저자의 통찰에서 교훈을 얻고, 그의 결론은 무시하는 게 좋을 듯하다.
Can Freedom Survive Without the State?
•David Gordon
Niall Ferguson has impeccable credentials as a member of the “Establishment” (a word that comes, he tells us, from the historian A.J.P. Taylor). He has taught history at Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, and NYU and is also a consultant to a global hedge fund. As one might expect, he is not a libertarian. Nevertheless, he has often challenged conventional opinion in a way libertarians will find congenial. In The Pity of War, for example, he argued that the British ought to have stayed out of World War I, despite the prevailing orthodoxy that the Crusade against Kaiser Bill was a “good thing.” In The Square and the Tower, he continues and expands his challenge to prevailing leftist dogmas.
Ferguson finds a unifying theme that he applies to a great many historical episodes: a conflict between hierarchies and networks. Hierarchies are “vertically structured organizations characterized by centralized and top-down command, control and communication.” Networks, by contrast, are informal channels of communication among individuals. Ferguson complicates matters by contending that “far from being the opposite of a network, a hierarchy is a special kind of network,” one in which one “always adds nodes downwards, but never connect nodes laterally.”
This means that people at the same level in a hierarchy communicate only with those above or below them, not those at the same level. (Is this always true?) Ferguson often complicates matters unduly, and his learned references to Euler’s solution to the Königsberg Bridge Problem and his many mathematical diagrams and reports of research on networks in various fields do not contribute to his accounts of historical events. His scholarly range is impressive, though he unaccountably fails to cite Harrison White, one of the most influential sociologists writing on networks.
The real contrast that the book illuminates is not between top-down organizations and other networks: it is rather the clash between state coercion and people’s free activities. The book moves from prehistoric times to the present, and always the malign effects of the state are unmistakable. Ferguson cites the great historian Sir Ronald Syme, who in “his classic study The Roman Revolution ... argued that the Republic had ... been run by a Roman aristocracy whose feuds had allowed Italy to descend into civil war. ... It was by building his followers into a ‘Caesarian party’ that Augustus was able gradually to concentrate power in his own hands while nominally restoring the Republic. ‘In certain respects,’ wrote Syme, ‘his Principate was a syndicate.’”
Ferguson has become an even more resolute revisionist about World War I than in his earlier book. “Russia appeared intent on exploiting the Bosnian crisis with a view to the permanent weakening, if not the dismemberment, of Austria-Hungary. ... If any individual deserves to be blamed for the systemic failure that occurred [after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand], it was the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey. Britain was supposed to be the balancing power in a crisis such as this.” Blundering and rash actions by those at the top of the hierarchies of the European Great Powers led to catastrophe.
The success of the Bolshevik Revolution, Ferguson holds, stems in large part from a state-sponsored conspiracy. “Yet the one German plot that worked proved to be so successful that it very nearly revolutionized the whole world. This was the plot to send the Bolshevik leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, then living in Switzerland, back to Russia, in the wake of the February 1917 Revolution that overthrew Tsar Nicholas II. ... The German government supplied Lenin not only with a railway ticket from Zurich to Petrograd ... but also with lavish funds to unseat the new provisional government.”
In his account of the rise of Nazism, Ferguson shows how worship of a political movement can lead to disaster. “To many observers, it seemed like a religious awakening. ... The Nazis developed a self-conscious liturgy, with 9 November (the date of the 1918 Revolution and the failed 1923 Beer Hall putsch) as a Day of Mourning, complete with fires, wreaths, altars, blood-stained relics and even a Nazis book of martyrs.” Ferguson has here rightly drawn from Eric Voegelin, who is incorrectly called a Catholic.
Ferguson ardently admires Henry Kissinger, but even those of us who do not share his favorable view of this Machiavellian intriguer will gain much from Ferguson’s extensive research on how Kissinger propelled himself to the summit of power. Ferguson puts his account of networks to good use: “The hypothesis must be that Kissinger’s influence and reputation were products not only of his influence and industriousness, but also of his preternatural connectedness. ... The network was the precondition for his ‘chain reaction’ diplomacy. ... That was what justified the claim that ‘Kissinger [probably] had more impact than any other person in the world.’”
Opponents of the free market sometimes argue that the internet came about through the expansion of a program sponsored by the Defense Department. Ferguson does not agree. After describing the governmentally sponsored Advanced Research Projects Network (ARPANET), he says, “It therefore mattered greatly that what became the internet was not designed that way, but rather arose more or less spontaneously and organically, with academics and private sector computer engineers rather than military planners taking the lead.” Both here and in his earlier book The Ascent of Money, Ferguson ignores the Austrian theory of the business cycle, but he has no illusions about the role of the Federal Reserve System in provoking the financial crisis of 2008: “The Federal Reserve allowed monetary policy to be too loose between 2002 and 2004. ... [Even after the Lehman bankruptcy.] Incredibly, however, staff economists at the Federal Reserve saw no reason to anticipate a recession.”
Ferguson mordantly criticizes the role of the state in the modern economy. “The federal government has degenerated into what has been called an ‘administrative’ or ‘managerial’ state, hierarchical and bureaucratic in its mode of operation, dedicated to generating ever more complicated regulation that had precisely the opposite effect of that intended. ... The administrative state has found an easy solution to the problem of increasing the number of public ‘goods’ without making commensurate increases in taxation, and that is to finance current government consumption through borrowing. ... Yet all these expedients of the administrative state impose burdens on the private sector that ultimately reduce the rate of growth and job creation. ... In short, the administrative state represents the last iteration of political hierarchy: a system that spews out rules, generates complexity, and undermines both prosperity and stability.”
Given his powerful case against the state, it is disappointing that Ferguson ends by calling for stronger state hierarchies. These are needed, he thinks, to combat future cyber warfare and Islamic jihad. This is not the first time that an author has failed to draw the correct lessons from his own book, and readers of The Square and the Tower would be well-advised to benefit from the author’s insights into the evils of the state while they ignore his conclusion.
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이미 탄핵 정국에서 부터 내이버는 인기있는 우파 관련기사를
우선순위에서 밀어 버리는 짓을 했었다.
그게 한두개가 아니었던것은 다 알거다
그런 네이버가 좌좀들의 조작질을 알았다 한들 막았겠냐?
이미 네이버와 문재앙의 유착 관계는 그전부터 있었고
네이버도 문재앙 대통령 만들기에 드루킹 못지 않게 우호적으로 협조하는 모양새였다
매크로 조작질은 IT 관련기술을 보유하고 있는 집단이면, 아주 쉽게 식별하고 막을수 있다
근데 그걸 방치했고, 네이버 기사 배치등을 좌좀들의 입맛에 맞게 배치하고
인기도가 많은 우파 관련 기사는 순위에서 밀어내고, 심지어 실시간 검색순위 조작도 서슴치 않았다
이번 건은 비단 드루킹의 특검으로 할것이 아닌, 네이버의 특검이 더 중요하다고 본다
실시간 순위 조작, 검색어 조작등등등 드루킹에 비하면 더 심각한 사항이다.
드루킹에 매몰되어 네이버의 그간 여론 조작을 간과해서는 안되고, 네이버의 여론 조작이야 말로
더 파급효과가 크고, 대형 포탈을 이용한 여론농단이기 때문에 범죄의 중대성 또한 더 크다
꼭 특검을 해서, 네이버의 여론 조작도 함께 뿌리 뽑아야 된다는 것을 잊지 말자
[출처] 네이버가 몰랐다고? ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ
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