중앙일보 “산유국도 아닌데 탈원전, 웃음거리” 장인순 전 원자력연구원장 국민의힘 자문위원장으로 위촉 “탈원전 왜 안되는지 알리려 수락 70년 일군 최고 기술 4년새 망가져” -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 조선일보 [단독] ‘영구중단 언제 결정?’ 文 댓글에...월성 1호기 연장 계획 뒤집혔다 文대통령 댓글 이틀만에… 산업부 원전 방침 뒤집혀 2018년 청와대 내부 시스템에 원전 정비 연장 보고 올라오자 “영구중단 언제 결정하나” 댓글… 산업부, 이틀 후 조기 폐쇄 보고 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 멸망의 총가속사 시진핑, "가진자로부터 빼앗아 공정분배"/주식가 폭락에 부동산 버블 터지나 박상후의 문명개화 시진핑은 8월 17일 중앙재경위원회 회의를 주재했습니다. 그는 여기서 충격적인 경제, 사회 운영방침을 밝혔습니다. 지나치게 수입이 높은 이들에 대한 규제를 강화하라고 지시했습니다. 가진자들 특히 기업이 사회에 더 보답하도록 하라고 말했습니다. 이렇게 함으로서 더 많은 이들이 상류사회로 진입해 부를 창출할 기회가 주어져야 한다고 말했습니다. 이른바 수입분배질서를 확립하겠다는 시진핑의 선언은 재산권 행사를 국가가 직접 간여하겠다는 것입니다. 이는 덩샤오핑이 개혁개방을 추진하면서 선언한 선부론先富論, 즉 일부의 사람부터 부유해진 뒤 그 낙수효과를 노린다는 방침을 전면으로 뒤집은 것입니다.. 이미 부유해진 사람들에게 온갖 규제를 가해 재산을 갈취하겠다는 것에 불과합니다. 가진사람들이 부를 사회에 환원함으로서 모두가 잘살게 만들자는 공동부유共同富裕를 제창하기는 했지만 이는 그저 말장난에 불과합니다. 모택동이 중공을 건국한 뒤 시행한 토호를 때려잡고 농지를 나눈다打土豪 分田地는 구호의 시진핑 버전입니다. 시진핑은 세금징수에 대해서도 한마디 했습니다. 그는 세수를 확대해 중간수입계층의 비중을 늘려라. 고소득층을 합리적으로 통제하고 불법수입을 단속하라. 중간계층이 두터운 구조를 만들어 사회의 공평정의를 촉진하라.고 말했습니다. 이와 관련해 3차분배이론三次分配理論이란 무시무시한 논리까지 전면에 등장했습니다. 이는 중공의 경제학자 리이닝厉以宁이 1994년 저서 지분제와 시장경제에서 제시한 이론입니다. 1차 분배가 시장효율에 따라 부를 분배한다는 것이고 2차분배는 국가가 공평과 효율의 원칙을 참조해 세수와 사회보장을 통해 부를 재분배 한다는 것입니다. 3차분배이론은 가진자가 도덕적 역량을 발휘해 자발적으로 부를 기증해 분배에 참여한다는 것이다. 이는 계급의 적으로 몰리지 않으려면 알아서 가진 것을 바치라는 협박이나 다름없습니다. 이 같은 시진핑의 발언이 시장에 미친 충격은 어마어마했습니다. 중공과 홍콩증시에서 3800개 종목이 폭락했습니다. 중공내 주요기업이 시진핑의 예측불가능한 탄압에 주가가 폭락하자 조지 소로스와 소프트뱅크의 마사요시 손도 큰 손실을 입었습니다. 또 시진핑의 발언이 있던날 중공최대의 부동산 기업인 헝따의 회장 쉬쟈인이 자리를 내놨습니다. 헝따도 부동산 거품으로 인해 휘청거린지 오래입니다. 중공의 경제가 일순간에 붕괴되고 있습니다. 그 현상들을 알기쉽게 사례를 들어 종합했습니다. https://youtu.be/r1pVvT1La28 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 지금 쿠바에서 벌어지고 있는 사태 니미카터와좆바이든 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11361690361 쿠바는 피델 카스트로가 죽고 그의 동생인 라울 카스트로가 최고권력을 가졌지만 워낙 고령이라서 미겔 디아스 카넬에게 대통령직을 넘기고 정치 일선에서 물러난 상태임. 왼쪽이 디아스 카넬, 오른쪽이 라울 카스트로 어지간하면 미국 자극하지 않고 조용조용히 지내는 걸 선호하던 피델 카스트로와 달리 디아스 카넬은 노골적인 친중파로 알려진 인물임 쿠바의 외교에 대해 간략하게 설명하자면, 베네수엘라의 마두로 정권의 스폰서가 디아스 카넬 정권임. 베네수엘라에는 쿠바 군사고문단이 상주하고 있으며 이들은 마두로가 가장 신뢰하는 용병들임. 쿠바도 베네수엘라를 군사적으로 지원하는 대가로 석유를 얻어가기 때문에 두 독재정권의 밀월관계는 계속되고 있음 그러나 원래 농업국인 쿠바는 늘 외화난에 시달리고 있으며 경제는 계속 나빠지고 있음. 게다가 지리적으로 미국과 가깝기 때문에 정보 통제도 어려움. 쿠바에서 스마트폰으로 미국 와이파이에 접속이 된다. 중국의 영향을 받은 디아스 카넬 정권은 올해 8월, SNS에서 정부를 비판하는 모든 종류의 포스팅을 금지하는 법을 만들었음. 쿠바는 SNS 의존도가 대단히 높기 때문에 쿠바인들의 분노가 폭발함 그리고 현재 쿠바에서 카스트로의 공산화 이래 최초의 반정부 시위가 벌어짐 쿠바 정부에서는 어용단체를 동원해서 친 정부 시위를 했지만 반 정부 시위대에게 밀림 위기를 느낀 쿠바 정부는 군을 동원해서 진압하는데 이미 1명이 사망했다는 보도가 나옴. 하지만 쿠바인들은 디아스 카넬 정권에 반대하는 시위를 계속하고 있음. 이게 지금 현재진행형인 이벤트임. Abajo la dictadura = 독재자는 꺼져 (abajo = down) Diaz Canel Singao = 디아스 카넬 엿먹어 (singao는 쿠바 스페인어로 fuck이라는 의미) Comunismo = 공산주의 Socialismo = 사회주의 이에 현재 바이든 정권에 대한 반감이 가득한 플로리다의 히스패닉들도 호응하고 있음. 하원선거에 지대한 영향을 끼칠 것으로 보임 Libertard = liberal(리버럴)과 retard(저능아)를 합친 신조어. 한국으로 치면 대깨문과 비슷한 의미 이게 한국에서 보도가 안되는 이유는, 우선 방송가를 장악하고 있는 전언노(전국언론인노조) 노조원들은 쿠바에 대한 환상을 아무 비판없이 꾸역꾸역 처먹어온 놈들임. 리영희 세대가 모택동이나 호치민을 까지 못하는 것처럼. 지금 방송가에서 쿠바의 현실을 까발리는 방송을 만들기에는 방송가 내부의 압력이 너무 강함 또 하나의 이유는 지금 문재인 정권이 하려는 짓이 디아스 카넬 정권과 똑같기 때문임. 친중정권답게 표현의 자유 탄압에 나서는데 반 정부 성향의 시민들이 자극을 받을까봐 아프간 뉴스로 도배하면서 쿠바 소식을 숨기고 있는 것임 세줄요약 1. 현재 쿠바 정부가 표현의 자유 통제하려고 해서 쿠바인들이 반정부 시위 중 2. 한국은 쿠바의 진짜 민주화 운동에 대해 보도 안함 3. 알고보니 한국 정부도 쿠바 정부처럼 표현의 자유 통제하려고 하고 있음 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 생사의 기로에 선 자영업자 종사자 8백만명 카카오콱 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11361619238 코로나 방역독재로 반년 만 더 지속하면 자영업은 붕괴될 것임. 경제 활동인구 40%가 사라질 위기. 사실 내년 대통령 선거로 바로 잡겠다는 발상이 현 위기를 모르는 정치꾼들의 배부른 잔치임. 공무원들은 최후에 몰락할 특권계층이기 때문에 공산화 로드맵은 이상없는 듯. 분노하고 행동할 때야. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- KBS “아기만이라도 살려달라”…철조망 너머로 아기 던진 엄마들 king**** 문레반이 장악한 한반도의 미래가 될수있다. 대깨문을 제외한 한국인들아 정신차려라 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 코로나 사태 이후에 나타나는 새로운 전체주의의 망령 망령이 세계를 배회하고 있다. 확장된 코로나 조치 아래 새로운 전체주의가 부상하려 하고 있다. 코로나 위기는 지배 엘리트에 의해 이용되어, 세계의 경제를 리셋해서 영구적으로 사회 질서를 변화시키겠다는 기존의 어젠다를 진전시키는 데 활용되고 있다. 바클라프 하벨이 말하는 후기 전체주의란 새로운 형태의 관료주의적 통치로서, 전체 사회의 구성원을 모두 전체주의적 시스템 안에 포섭하는 것이다. 하벨은 후기 전체주의 사회에서는 모든 사람이 시스템의 희생자이자 그 지지자라고 말한다. 모두는 ‘위선’ 안에 살기를 강요받고, 후기 전체주의 논리를 자동적으로 받아들이는 수신자, 메신저, 실행자가 된다. 하벨은 무언가 긍정적이고 이전에 불가능했던 것들이 후기 전체주의 사회에서 나타날 수 있다고 믿는다. 코로나 정국은 하벨이 그린 후기 전체주의 시스템과 여러 가지 점에서 닮아 있다. 무엇보다 저들이 말하는 ‘과학’이라는 게 이데올로기적이다. 치사율이 과장되었고, 백신에 의한 사망은 감춰지고 있지만, 공산주의 이데올로기처럼 그들이 말하는 것은 무조건 옳은 것이 된다. Living in the Age of Covid: “The Power of the Powerless” Michael Rectenwald A specter is haunting the world: the increasing prospect of a new totalitarianism under the extended covid response. Unlike the specter of communism, or the specter of “dissent” to communist dictatorship that Václav Havel ironically identified in his groundbreaking essay “The Power of the Powerless,” this specter originates from those in power and not from the revolutionary or the powerless. And rather than haunting only Europe or Eastern Europe, this specter casts its long shadow across the future of all humanity, such that one wonders how one might plan, if at all, for this future. Mixed into this spectral fear are grave doubts promoted by some about the intentions of world leaders and a medical and technocratic elite apparently bent on new lockdowns, masking, and mandatory mass vaccinations. Heterodoxies burgeon in the shadows. The mere mention of these heterodoxies will rank one among the heterodox. Nevertheless, I venture to name them. They include the belief that a mass eugenics program is underway and that the vaccination regime amounts to the greatest crime against humanity in world history. They include the belief that the entirety of the covid response has been nothing if not a means for increasing the power and control of the elite over the world population. And they include the more modest claim that “the science” being peddled by “the experts” has been hastily and erroneously construed and represents a grave series of errors, yet merely errors after all. Another claim is that the covid crisis, while real, has been opportunistically used by the ruling elite to further a preexisting agenda for resetting the world economic system and forever changing the shape of the social order (the Great Reset). These claims are not necessarily mutually exclusive and two or three may either be held simultaneously or all four juggled. That these and other heterodoxies are being rigorously suppressed, and that their messengers are either cancelled or vilified, or both, only lends them subterraneous force and adds to the overall anxiety, whether spoken or not. While I will not adjudicate all these claims, it is enough to say that their existence is part of the terror campaign that is the covid regime itself. It is as if the mendacity of the regime spontaneously generated them. You may wonder why I suggest that the extended covid response poses the gravest threat to humanity, rather than believing that the real threat is covid-19 and its variants. I will address this question below. But the question underscores the fact that clear precedents for this situation are nonexistent. The world has never seen anything like it and could not have—before the age of digital communications, modern virology and epidemiology, and pharmacological technology. What makes the covid regime different from other totalitarian prospects is the fact that “disease” is now the stated basis for its establishment. The ideology is thus infused with the dominant narrative of protecting the population from a pestilence, rather than delivering a future worker’s paradise, for example. This claim by the authorities makes any opposition to their diktats forever fraught with having to refute “the science,” variously and inconsistently delivered by “the experts,” while demonstrating the incommensurability of the response to the perceived threat. The question of freedom becomes embroiled in the question of what freedom means in the face of a possible death sentence, for oneself and others. And yet there is the possibility that the efforts at mitigation themselves amount to a death sentence. In seeking comparable scenarios to the covid regime, I thought it time to look to Eastern bloc exemplars of resistance. As such, my search led me to the essay that forms part of my title. However distinct the two scenarios, parallels may be drawn between what Havel called the “post-totalitarianism” of Soviet bloc Czechoslovakia and the system developing out of the covid crisis. The issue at stake is pursuing “the aims of life” in the face of ongoing terror. It should not matter what side of the fence you are on if pursuing the aims of life is your agenda. Post-totalitarianism By post-totalitarianism, Havel did not mean a state or condition after totalitarianism. He meant a new form of bureaucratic rule, a totalizing system in which power does not simply originate from a singular dictator and flow downward, but rather one that involves the entire society and conscripts the population into its very structure. “In the post-totalitarian system,” Havel suggested, “this line [of power] runs de facto through each person, for everyone in his or her own way is both a victim and a supporter of the system.” Everyone is forced to “live within the lie,” and all subjects become “agents of its automatism”—automatic receivers, messengers, and executors of the post-totalitarian logic.6 Havel provides an example of one such subject: a typical greengrocer. The greengrocer routinely puts a sign in his storefront window that reads, “Workers of the World Unite!” He does so, not necessarily because he believes in the semantic content of the slogan, although he may. But he puts the sign in his window because he would become conspicuous by the sign’s absence if he did not. By posting the sign, he consciously or unconsciously seeks to stay out of the crosshairs of severe repression. The greengrocer’s sign is ideological because its semantic content is “noble” while its semiotic function works in an opposite direction. Its function is to ensure conformity to a system that has nothing to do with the welfare of “the workers.” (Under communism, it is the Marxist true believers who live in “false consciousness.”) The sign is just that—a semiotic syntagm that signals compliance and complicity. And the sign feeds into a wider “panorama” of compliance and complicity while compelling others to do the same. The greengrocer’s plastering of the sign is a piece within a system that enrolls its subjects in its own administration, subjects who by their participation ensure the participation of others and who together help to constitute post-totalitarianism at large: If an entire district town is plastered with slogans that no one reads, it is on the one hand a message from the district secretary to the regional secretary, but it is also something more: a small example of the principle of social auto-totality at work. Part of the essence of the post-totalitarian system is that it draws everyone into its sphere of power … so they may become agents of the system's general automatism and servants of its self-determined goals…. More than this: so they may create through their involvement a general norm and, thus, bring pressure to bear on their fellow citizens. And further: so they may learn to be comfortable with their involvement, to identify with it as though it were something natural and inevitable and, ultimately, so they may—with no external urging—come to treat any non-involvement as an abnormality, as arrogance, as an attack on themselves, as a form of dropping out of society. By pulling everyone into its power structure, the post-totalitarian system makes everyone instruments of a mutual totality, the auto-totality of society. Not everyone can live the lie of ideological conformity under post-totalitarianism, however. Havel points to those who begin to “live within the truth.” They no longer feign belief and thus cease to be complicit with the system. But those who do so are promptly cancelled: Let us now imagine that one day something in our greengrocer snaps and he stops putting up the slogans merely to ingratiate himself…. The bill is not long in coming. He will be relieved of his post as manager of the shop and transferred to the warehouse. His pay will be reduced. His hopes for a holiday in Bulgaria will evaporate. His children's access to higher education will be threatened. His superiors will harass him and his fellow workers will wonder about him. Most of those who apply these sanctions, however, will not do so from any authentic inner conviction but simply under pressure from conditions, the same conditions that once pressured the greengrocer to display the official slogans. They will persecute the greengrocer either because it is expected of them, or to demonstrate their loyalty, or simply as part of the general panorama, to which belongs an awareness that this is how situations of this sort are dealt with, that this, in fact, is how things are always done, particularly if one is not to become suspect oneself. Thus, the noncompliant is marked by his lack of signaling. He is isolated and demonized. He becomes a pariah and is exiled from the community. He loses his status and faces hardship, or worse. Sound familiar? Yet such persons as the greengrocer may eventually join with others to constitute a “hidden sphere,” a counterpublic that by its very adherence to living within the truth challenges the post-totalitarian system at its core. That’s because the system is constructed from a tissue of lies and the mere existence of people who defy the lies poses a threat to this construction. They betray the mendacity of the system and may shake others’ belief in it as well. And what is meant by living within the truth? The pursuit of the aims of life in defiance of the diktats of the ruling establishment and their agents among the population. The Real Resistance Havel makes clear that this hidden sphere is not a political movement per se, but rather a prepolitical formation that has no program and posits no alternative system in its place. It is not a political opposition as such. Although it may develop “parallel structures” and a “parallel polis,” its prepolitical character is necessary for its effectiveness—because of the impossibility of real political opposition under a single party system; because alternative political paradigms are utopian within the post-totalitarian context; because, given an expected cynicism, no one believes in alternative political paradigms anyway; and primarily because the hidden sphere develops organically and constitutes a concrete way of living rather than an abstract model for another world. Dissidence derives from a background of people’s attempts to live within the truth. It is not a matter of formal structures and will not emerge from, or necessarily as, political parties or institutions: There is no way around it: no matter how beautiful an alternative political model may be, it can no longer speak to the “hidden sphere”, inspire people and society, call for real political ferment. The real sphere of potential politics in the post-totalitarian system is elsewhere: in the continuing and cruel tension between the complex demands of that system and the aims of life, that is, the elementary need of human beings to live, to a certain extent at least, in harmony with themselves, that is, to live in a bearable way, not to be humiliated by their superiors and officials, not to be continually watched by the police, to be able to express themselves freely, to find an outlet for their creativity, to enjoy legal security, and so on.9 The appeal is to “the aims of life” and not to any strictly political means and ends. Yet Havel’s efforts and the efforts of his compatriots eventually did assume a political significance and managed to create another world. But only, he would argue, by having remained true to their original, prepolitical character. That is, they arose from the ad hoc efforts of communities to defy the lies in concrete efforts to live their lives with dignity and in the truth: [A]re not these informal, non-bureaucratic, dynamic and open communities that comprise the “parallel polis” a kind of rudimentary prefiguration, a symbolic model of those more meaningful “post-democratic” political structures that might become the foundation of a better society? Havel believed that something positive and previously impossible could emerge from post-totalitarianism. Post-totalitarianism was the crucible within which this something could be forged and from which it could usher forth. This something was a more genuine way of living, which post-totalitarianism made possible and necessary. Finally, Havel suggested that the incipient world always existed within the present one: For the real question is whether the “brighter future” is really always so distant. What if, on the contrary, it has been here for a long time already, and only our own blindness and weakness has prevented us from seeing it around us and within us, and kept us from developing it? Covid Post-totalitarianism It should be clear from the foregoing discussion that the covid regime resembles, in many respects, the post-totalitarian system described by Havel. Regardless of “the science,” or rather because of it, the covid regime is post-totalitarian. “The science” has proven itself to be ideological. Although continually discredited—by the exaggeration of the virus’s lethality, by the suppression of known cures so as to usher in a state of emergency and the mRNA vaccines, by the underreporting of vaccine deaths and injuries, by the institution and reinstitution of failed and unscientific lockdown and masking mandates, and more—“the science” is wielded by authorities as if a matter of fact and a matter of course, just as Marxist ideology was wielded by Soviet communists. And, as under communism, even those who know the truth are compelled to live within the lie. Just as the greengrocer was compelled to display signs of his loyalty under Soviet bloc communism, signs transmitting semantic content to which he was indifferent, so the covid citizen is compelled to display signs of compliance and complicity under the covid regime. The signs have included donning the mask and, increasingly, displaying the vaccine passport—to take part in society. And, as under communism, these displays are compulsory rituals. What function do they serve? Let us take note: if the covid citizen were compelled to wear a sign that said, “I am afraid, therefore unquestionably obedient,” he would not be nearly as indifferent to its semantics, even though the statement would reflect the truth. The covid citizen would be embarrassed and ashamed to don such an unequivocal statement of his own degradation, and quite naturally so, for he is a human being and thus has a sense of his own dignity. To overcome this complication, his expression of fidelity must take the form of a sign which, at least on its surface, indicates a level of credulousness in the covid regime. It must allow the covid citizen to say, “What’s wrong with the vaccine passport? The experts say that the vaccine is necessary, for my health and that of others.” Thus, the vaccine passport helps the covid citizen to conceal from himself the low foundations of his obedience, while at the same time concealing the low foundations of power. The vaccine passport hides them both behind the façade of something high. And that something is ideology. The italicized text above is my revision of a passage from Havel’s essay—with “the covid citizen” and “vaccine passport” of the covid regime replacing the greengrocer and the greengrocer’s sign of the Soviet regime. The point is to show, mutatis mutandis, the substitutability of terms. Although the vaccines have shown some efficacy at mitigating the effects of the virus, they neither protect their recipients from infection and disease nor prevent them from spreading it. And the dangers of the vaccines are not all known, although many short-term side effects, including death, have been documented. The vaccines may also be driving antibody-dependent enhancement, and, with the selective pressure they put on the virus, the production of mutations (variants). The vaccines are, after all, “state of emergency” measures, rushed into use before the necessary scientific testing to gauge their efficacy or ensure their safety could be done. Thus, they are anything but “science”—if by “science” we mean unhampered and open inquiry using the scientific method. The vaccine passport thus serves an ideological function, just like the greengrocer’s sign. But just as in the Soviet bloc, some covid citizens are living within the truth. They know that masks, lockdowns, and mandated vaccines have by no means been sufficiently scientifically validated. These dissidents constitute a not-so-hidden sphere, a counterpublic. They have begun to create parallel structures and a parallel polis to resist the covid regime. As in Soviet bloc Czechoslovakia, they are not aligned with any political program and hold to no utopian idealism. Although in the United States the majority are Republicans and lowercase libertarians, many are not. They represent a prepolitical formation. Rather than needing a politilical program, these dissidents seek community in “the continuing and cruel tension between the complex demands of that [covid] system and the aims of life, that is, the elementary need of human beings to live, to a certain extent at least, in harmony with themselves, that is, to live in a bearable way … ” Yet their efforts may eventually assume a political character and may manage to create another world, and covid post-totalitarianism may be the crucible in which this other world is forged. They may be developing a more genuine way of living. And they may find that the “brighter future” is not that distant after all. It was there all along, and only blindness and weakness had prevented it from being seen and developed. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------