아리랑통일민주공화국이란 내용에서 발췌한거다.. 궁금한 게이들은 강종구교수 아리랑통일민주공화국 이거보면 알거다.. 지금부터 개헌이야기가 슬금슬금 나오는데.. 대통령제 말고 내각제로 가고 그리고 지방분권개헌간다.. 그럼 한국은 지방자치로 변해.. 국방장악하는 대통령이 사라진다. 그 틈을타.. 북한새끼들이 쳐들어오는 시나리오가 있다. 올림픽 끝나고 지방분권개헌하자고 여론조성한다 지금부터 알고있어라 일게이들아.

[출처] 지방분권개헌 이거 막아야한다./ 일베

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북한 주재 러시아 대사는 북한에 대한 원유 공급 중단이 북한 입장에서는 선전포고로 간주할 것이라고 밝혔다고 로이터통신이 31일 러시아 국영 RIA통신을 인용해 보도했다.

[출처] (((속보)))러시아 "북한, 원유공급 중단 선전포고로 간주할 것"(1보)/ 일베

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[법치수호#4] '태블릿 PC' 고소장에 드러난 또다른 진실


https://youtu.be/XRWcRAPAssY


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노영방송(勞營放送) MBC가 무너지는 소리

그들을 방송인의 양식과 방송인의 혼을 가진 정상적인 기자나 PD들로 보면 안된다. 임금이나 챙기고 방송권력에 눈독만 들이고 있는 이익집단의 노동자 집단일 뿐이다..

 그들 마음대로 왜곡, 편파, 조작, 기획으로 기사를 쓰고 선동프로그램을 제작하여 여론을 오도하고 권력에 빌붙으려고 메시지나 날려 보내는 추한 나부랭이들이 그들의 민낯임을 국민들은 알아야 한다. (발췌)

문무대왕(조갑제닷컴 회원)
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'이니'가 아무리 일자리 상황판을 집무실에 걸어두고, 회의 소집하여 “청년실업이 국가재난 수준”이라고 호통쳐도 상황은 더 악화될 뿐입니다. 대통령 직속 일자리위원회 안에 범정부 차원의 “청년 일자리 대책 태스크포스”를 만들고 예산 3조 원을 조기 투입하더라도 소용 없습니다.

  이유는 '이니노믹스'가 시장경제 원리에 역주행하기 때문입니다. 자유기업과 자유시장이 경제를 주도하는 것이지, 사회주의 계획경제처럼 대통령이나 공무원이 주도하는 최저임금 대폭 인상, 대기업주 구속수사, 부동산 세무조사, 공무원 단속, 금융제재로 경제가 좋아지지 않습니다. (김문수 전 의원)
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최교일 "서·임 검사 말 앞뒤 안맞아…성추행 은폐 주장은 명예훼손

http://m.news.naver.com/read.nhn?mode=LSD&mid=sec&sid1=100&oid=003&aid=0008424453


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관직 덕분에 번 돈은 지대 착취이다.  그에 비해 관직에 취임하기 전에 번 돈은 더 깨끗하다.
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출처: 일베


한국 경제에 삼성이, 그리고 반도체가 차지하는 비중이 너무 크다. 이것들이 잘못되는 순간 한국 경제는 곤두박질 칠 수도 있다.
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오늘도 한국의 좌경화는 착실히 진행되고 있다.
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민주당 개헌안

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모로코 남부 지방에 50년 만에 내린 눈! 지구 온난화의 생생한 증거!
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누구에게나 또 모든 것에 남녀차별주의자라는 딱지를 붙이면, 그 단어는 의미를 잃어버린다.
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현재의 경기 호황은 인위적인 금리 인하로 인한 것이다. 법정 화폐 체제에서는 2가지 시나리오 밖에 없다. 하나는 중앙은행이 계속해서 인위적으로 금리를 낮춰 당분간 호황을 지속하다 불황을 맞아하거나, 또는 중앙은행이 금리를 너무 높여서 현재의 호항을 불황으로 만드는 것이다.

 

Central Banks Put a Safety Net Under Financial Markets

 

•Thorsten Polleit

 

 

Most early business cycle indicators suggest that the global economy is pretty much roaring ahead. Production and employment are rising. Firms keep investing and show decent profits. International trade is expanding. Credit is easy to obtain. Stock prices keep moving up to ever higher levels. All seems to be well. Or does it? Unfortunately, the economic upswing shows the devil’s footprints: central banks have set it in motion with their extremely low, and in some countries even negative, interest rate policy and rampant monetary expansion.

 

Artificially depressed borrowing costs are fueling a “boom.” Consumer loans are as cheap as ever before, seducing people to spend increasingly beyond their means. Low interest rates push down companies' cost of capital, encouraging additional, and in particular risky investments – they would not have entered into under "normal" interest rate conditions. Financially strained borrowers – in particular states and banks – can refinance their maturing debt load at extremely low interest rates and even take on new debt easily.

 

By no means less important is the fact that central banks have effectively spread a “safety net” under financial markets: Investors feel assured that monetary authorities will, in case things turning sour, step in and fend off any crisis. The central banks’ safety net has lowered investors' risk concern. Investors are willing to lend even to borrowers with relatively poor financial strength. Furthermore, it has suppressed risk premia in credit yields, having lowered firms’ cost of debt, which encourages them to run up their leverage to increase return on equity.

 

The boom stands and falls with persisting low interest rates. Higher interest rates make it increasingly difficult for borrowers to service their debt. If borrowers’ credit quality deteriorates, banks reign in their loan supply, putting even more pressure on struggling debtors. Also, higher interest rates cause asset prices – stock and real estate market prices in particular – to come down, putting the banking system under massive strain. In fact, higher rates have the potential to turn the boom into bust.

 

The US Federal Reserve (Fed), at the beginning of the 21st century, hiked interest rates, putting an end to the "New Economy Boom." Stock markets collapsed. As a reaction, the Fed delivered hefty interest rate cuts – and triggered an unprecedented credit boom that burst in 2007/2008 and developed into a global economic and financial crisis. Then, the Fed lowered interest rates to record low levels and run the printing press on a colossal scale to keep financially overstretched states and banks afloat. The question is: will it be different this time?

 

Sound economics tells us that the boom-and-bust cycle has one root cause: fiat money. The US dollars, euros, Japanese yen, Chinese renminbi or Swiss franc: They all represent fiat money. Central banks hold the fiat money production monopoly, and they increase the quantity of fiat money relentlessly through bank lending — through loans that are not backed by real savings. As mentioned above, the issuance of fiat money distorts market interest rates and prices, and thus plays havoc with peoples' savings, consumption, and investment decisions.

 

A destructive side effect of fiat money is that the economy’s level of debt keeps rising over time: The growth of credit keeps outpacing production gains. This is because in a fiat money regime, credit-financed investments fall short of their expected profitability, and credit-financed consumption is unproductive. Quite a few investments turn out to be “flops. The economy gets caught in a debt trap. Credit-financed consumption and government spending make it even worse. To be sure: it has become a problem on a global scale.

 

 

In an attempt to prevent the day of redemption, central banks slash interest rates to ever lower levels to keep the system going. Once interest rates are lowered, however, they typically cannot (for political reasons, I should hasten to say) be brought back to pre-crisis levels – as this would make the debt pyramid, and with it the economy and the financial system, come crashing down. It is this economic insight that explains why interest rates show a marked trend decline over the last decades in all countries that have adopted fiat money.

 

The Fed, the world leading central bank, is on an interest rate hiking spree, though. Since December 2015 it has increased its Federal Funds Rate from 0.0 – 0.25 to 1.25 – 1.50 percent in December 2017. So far, higher rates have not done any damage to the US or international business cycle, or at least so it seems. How high can the US interest rate go without bringing the boom to its knees? To answer this question, we would need to know the height of the “natural interest rate” level. What does that mean?

 

The natural interest rate is the interest rate that emerges in an unhampered market through the supply of savings and the demand for investment. Unfortunately, however, the natural interest rate is unobservable, its height is unknown. If it is very low, rising Federal Funds Rates might quickly bring about a situation in which borrowing costs are “too high,” and the economy falls over the cliff. If, however, the natural interest rate is relatively high, a higher Fed interest rate may slow down the economy, but not necessarily push it into recession.

 

You may hope that the Fed, and all the other central banks, have learned their lesson and will, this time, master the delicate balancing act of bringing the interest rate to the “right” level: the level where the economy is doing just fine. Such hope, however, is built on sand. The reason is not just a lack of knowledge on the part of policymakers: they do not, and cannot, know where the level of the natural rate of interest is and set its interest rate accordingly. The real reason is that the natural interest rate level is a no-go area for central banks.

 

In a fiat money regime, the boom can only go on if and when the market interest rate is below the natural interest rate level. If, for instance, the Fed raises its interest rate to, let alone above, the natural interest rate, the boom comes to a shrieking halt. So either the Fed keeps borrowing costs artificially low, and the boom continues. Or it brings it in line with the natural interest rate, and the boom turns into bust. Unfortunately, there is no middle ground. That is the uncomfortable truth of the Fed’s interest rate policy.

 

We are thus left with two scenarios. First: The central banks will succeed in keeping the boom going – which is the case if and when they keep their interest rates at artificially suppressed levels. This, however, will come at the high price of growing malinvestment, speculative bubbles, and – due to a relentlessly increasing quantity of money – an ongoing loss of purchasing power of money. Second: Central banks will, by raising interest rates “too much”, put an end to the boom and turn it into bust.

 

Even if the first scenario unfolds, however, the boom can be expected to come to an end eventually – as it is relatively unlikely that there will be a continuous sequence of "favorable conditions" (such as, say, positive productivity shocks) coming to the rescue, postponing the boom from turning into bust forever. To put it differently: In a fiat money regime, the scenario that the boom turns into bust is not a question of if but of when. This is an insight which Ludwig von Mises (1881 – 1973) put succinctly:

 

“There is no means of avoiding the final collapse of a boom brought about by [circulation-] credit expansion. The alternative is only whether the crisis should come sooner as the result of a voluntary abandonment of further credit expansion, or later as a final and total catastrophe of the currency system involved.”

 

It is impossible to predict when business will deteriorate with a fair degree of precision. There is no formula according to which the timing of the boom turning into bust could be calculated. In view of political attempts to keep the boom going, however, the probability of a continuation of the inflationary boom seems to be higher than the probability of an immediate deflationary bust – as central banks appear to be determined to “fight” any new crisis with even lower interest rates and even more money printing, through which currencies will be debased.

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枳术汤是张仲景的一张小方，药仅两味，是治疗水饮结于心下的方子。然历代医家用此方治疗胃脘痛、痞满却效果非凡。读张璐的《张氏医通》，龚廷贤的《万病回春》、《寿世保元》等书，发现治疗胃病多用此方加减。临床实践发现此方可用于水饮或食积结于心下而影响脾之健运的胃脘痛和痞满证，对于很多的慢性胃炎，胃十二指肠溃疡、胃肠功能紊乱、胃下垂、便秘等病有很好的效果。方中枳实量大于白术一倍，行气散结除饮，白术量小于枳实一倍，健脾利水，用于因实而致的脾虚。两药一消一补，攻补兼施，互相为用，而消大于补为其特点。从传统气机上讲亦是一升一降，符合脾升胃降的生理特性。

我们家传用药的方证是：患者形体壮实，多胸闷、腹胀、嗳气、疼痛，腹诊心下胀满或疼痛，有压痛或有抵触，有明显的腹肌紧张。舌苔多厚而腻，脉右关滑实有力，或左关呈弦象。其合方为:

寒合四逆汤。

郁合四逆散。

食积和热症者先用大柴胡汤一副消导，大便泻下后再用此方。

寒热交杂而偏热者合半夏泻心汤。

寒热交杂而偏寒者合柴胡桂枝干姜汤加附子。

而病程绵长，体形弱者白术量大于枳实一倍，法张洁古枳术丸之意。而用此方收效的关键是两药的剂量变化！而胡乱加减又需禁忌！

经方神效人人皆知，但往往很多人不注意小方的运用，或因为其药少而轻视，或因其追求经济效益而舍弃。胃病乃临床常见病，枳术汤为治疗胃病的主方、效方，望诸同道关注之！

枳术汤 

[组成用法]枳实15～60g、白术20～30g。水煎，分三次温服。

[方证]

1．心下痞坚、小便不利或心下满痛、身重纳减、消瘦者。

2．胃脘痞硬，胀满如囊裹水，或如按杯盘，有形可见，且饮食减少；，肌肉瘦消者。

[现代应用]

1．胃石症、胃下垂、胃扩张、慢性胃窦炎、胃溃疡、十二指肠溃疡、胃神经官能症、胃黏膜脱垂症等出现动力障碍而有胃液潴留者多用本方；慢性肝炎、肝硬化腹水也可借用本方。

2．慢性结肠炎、过敏性结肠炎、消化不良性腹泻、非溃疡性消化不良等出现膻胀腹泻时也有使用本方的机会。

3，其他如胆石症，子宫脱垂、肛管直肠脱垂、单纯性睑下垂、面神经麻痹、震颤麻痹、疝气、痛经、肥胖症等疾病也有用到本方的时候。

[经验参考]根据经文描述，胃病出现排空减慢时可见到本方证。

如何任先生常用本方治疗胃下垂、胃肠功能紊乱症等。曾用本方加味治疗一男性病人，脘腹胀滞，食后为甚，自觉按之有坚实感。处方：枳实12g，炒白术9g，补中益气丸15g（包煎），水煎服。服药三剂后，即感脘腹胀滞减轻，十剂后疗效甚好（《金匮要略新解》）。

除了胃下垂、胃肠功能紊乱症容易出现胃排空减慢外，胃石症也是因素之一。如邱德泽曾用本方治疗一脾积的患者，因食牛肉而致上腹部有一包块，疼痛、呕吐不能进食，钡餐检查报告：慢性胃炎、胃内蛔虫、胃石症。超声波探测到剑突下稍偏左有一前后径5cmX 6．5cmX6．5cm的包块。处方：枳实24g，白术15g，山楂30g。服一剂，痛减呕止，六剂后胃疼大减。后于方中加半夏、槟榔配服“驱虫净”，排出蛔虫十余条。再于初诊方中加蒲黄、五灵脂，二十剂后，诸证若失。超声波复查证实包块消失（江西中医药，1984；4：26）。   

另外，原南阳认为酒客容易出现本方证，他说：“心下有大结块，如盘，如覆杯，水饮作也。此为仲景之所论者。凡酒客恶酒，并忌闻酒气之后，其心下必成如是之症状。此因酒病所致，初起用中正汤等，即可治之，已成水肿，则死。若用枳术汤，与甘遂丸一下，而治如柴胡或柴胡加芒硝之腹证多者，可十痊三四（《业桂亭医事小言》）。”《方机》载本方主治心下痞坚，小便不利者或心下满痛，小便不利者。因为排空减慢而影响水分的吸收，所以还可以见到小便少的伴随证。

本方为小方，临床上多加味使用，如《医方集解》载本方（指枳术丸）《金匮》名枳术汤，治水饮，心下坚大如盘，边如旋盘。若改汤为丸，加半夏一两，名半夏枳术丸，治脾湿停痰，及伤冷食。淋者加泽泻一两。若加橘皮一两，名橘皮枳术丸，治饮食不消，气滞痞满。若加橘皮、半夏，名橘半枳术丸，健脾消痞化痰。若加木香、砂仁各一两，名香砂枳术丸，破滞气、消饮食、强脾胃。若加神曲、麦芽各一两，名曲蘖枳术丸，治内伤饮食，或泄泻。若加酒炒黄连；黄芩、大黄、炒神曲、橘红各一两，名三黄枳术丸，治伤肉食、湿面、辛热味厚之物，填塞闷乱不快。若加茯苓五钱、干姜七钱，名消饮丸，治停饮胸满呃逆。

《清代名医医案精华》载赵海仙治疗一五积患者，乃心之积也。因在脐上，大如杯，上至心下，宜伏梁丸法。处方：于白术，枳壳，洋参，制半夏，醋泛为丸。并载王九峰治疗积聚一案，经口：肝之积名肥气，脾之积名痞气。此左胁心下俱有形，大如覆杯，按之则痛，弹之有声。中虚木旺，健运失常，升降失司，血凝痰阻。拟枳术法加减，助坤顺之德，益乾健之功。处方：枳壳，冬术，人参，橘红，青皮，木香，红花，炮姜，水泛丸。近贤田宗汉先生用本方加半夏，名闩白术半夏枳壳汤，用以治疗各种痰饮。言可调理脾肺，通利三焦。主治痰饮为病，咳逆喘满气促，头脑眩闷，背搏胀痛，心下坚，胸胁痛，少腹满，小便不利．善太息；或关节痛烦，口燥嗌干，喜热饮，语音不宣，饮食减，肌肉消，皮肤不泽，善忘。以上诸症，但见一二即是，不必悉具。方取生白术、姜半夏各三钱，麸炒枳壳一钱。长流水一碗，煎至半碗，去滓，乘温顿服，日二服，夜一服，以愈为度。（《田宗汉医学研究》）。

本方虽然只有两味药，但适证运用，效果一般都很突出。尤其对于胃下垂、胃炎等疾病的疗效更优。但针对一些复杂疾病的治疗，宜参衷后世医家的经验，改汤为丸，或加减使用。《外台秘要》之“茯苓饮”就是本方加茯苓、人参、生姜、橘皮而成。对于胃下垂、胃溃疡及慢性胃炎的心下痞硬、外形如覆杯、纳少等，具有“消痰气，令能食”的作用。

现代常增加枳实的剂量来治疗各种内脏下垂症，一般效果很好。此处往往不能因枳实除痞破气一概而论。但编者认为在临床上，对于枳实药证不甚突出的体弱及年老病人，方中枳实的剂量还是小于白术为妥。也可把枳实易成枳壳，这样疗效也很好。总之，可根据临床具体见证和病者体质，适时地在攻补之间调换二药的比例。

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作者/张英栋 ⊙ 编辑/闫立彬

　　摘要：作者从《伤寒论》论及瘙痒的三处条文中抽丝剥茧得出一结论，即《伤寒论》将瘙痒之原因归于无汗，此时此刻正在阅读这篇文章的读者们，您有何高见呢？如果您有不同的观点，或者需要补充的观点，我们欢迎您踊跃投稿发表自己的看法。

　　《伤寒论》从汗论治瘙痒

　　《伤寒论》中有三处提到瘙痒，机理各不相同。一为“以其不能得小汗”；二为“迟为无阳，不能作汗”；三为“无汗……以久虚故”，证机各异，但“不得汗”却同。于是我们可以得出结论：《伤寒论》将瘙痒之原因归于无汗。

　　第一处是《伤寒论》第23条：“太阳病，得之八九日，如疟状，发热恶寒，热多寒少……一日二三度发，脉微缓者，为欲愈也……面色反有热色者，未欲解也，以其不能得小汗出，身必痒，宜桂枝麻黄各半汤。”

　　李心机《伤寒论通释》解释为：太阳伤寒八九日，表邪将解，本当以小发汗之法，一疏即解。却失于发汗。病有向愈之机，而未顺势发泄，阳气怫郁在表。表邪欲解而不得，肌肤欲通而未通，邪扰肌肤，故痒。正邪交争已八九日之久，邪气微，正气也不盛。过汗则伤正，不汗则不能开启腠理、予邪以出路，治疗以桂枝麻黄各半汤小发其汗。验之临床，确有佳效。

　　笔者数年前以经方治疗皮肤病，曾治一七八岁男童，皮肤瘙痒数月，无疹，无余症，试开两服桂枝麻黄各半汤，隔数日，路遇其家人，言一剂即效，两剂瘙痒除。

　　第二处是“脉浮而迟，面热赤而战惕者，六七日当汗出而解，反发热者瘥迟，迟为无阳，不能作汗，其身必痒也。”

　　见于《医宗金鉴·订正仲景全书伤寒论注·卷三辨太阳病脉证并治下篇》，在该篇中紧随《伤寒论》第23条之后。两条相邻，均有“面赤身痒”，而证机却迥然不同。

　　关键在于脉象，23条脉是浮紧的，后来“脉微缓者，为欲愈”意为脉由浮紧变得略微缓和。而本条却是“脉浮而迟”。脉浮与脉迟并见之论还有一处，《伤寒论》第225条：“脉浮而迟，表热里寒，下利清谷者，四逆汤主之。”其“下利清谷”、“里寒”“（脉）迟”已经到了用四逆汤的程度，“表热”、“脉浮”只能是虚阳外越。反观此处之“脉浮而迟”、“面赤身痒”也可能是里阳虚甚、虚阳浮越于外，而不是肌表阳气怫郁。

　　此处之“不能作汗，其身必痒”，原因是“无阳”，即里阳虚，无力“加于阴”而作汗，浮阳扰动肌肤而痒。治疗时既要着眼于“汗”，更要注意到“无阳”，麻黄附子剂较为合拍。

　　笔者曾治疗一位慢性荨麻疹患者，脉象虽未体会到“浮而迟”，但证机却确为里阳虚寒，处以麻黄汤合麻黄附子细辛汤，患者得汗而愈。

　　需要指出的是此条不见于目前通行的《伤寒论》条文，录有“辨脉法”的版本在“辨脉法”中录有此条。这提示我们学习《伤寒论》时需要多个版本互参，有很多有价值的条文及字词在经过漫长的传承，及多次辑复后，会有所脱落、或杂陈于不重要的条文之间，但这些却可能正是临证之箴言。在谢观的《中国医学大词典》解释“痒”时收录了此条之“（脉）迟为无阳，不能作汗，其身必痒”。《古今图书集成医部全录之淋浊遗精血汗门·无汗篇》中也录有此条，“经所谓脉浮而迟，迟为无阳，不能作汗，其身必痒……皆阳虚而无汗者也。”

　　第三处是《伤寒论》第196条：“阳明病，法多汗，反无汗，其身如虫行皮中状者，此以久虚故也。”

　　对于“身如虫行皮中状”为瘙痒之意，并无异议。而对于“久虚”则见解多有不同。有认为阳明反无汗是因为阴津久虚、作汗无源、邪热欲解而无从疏解故痒。

　　如《聂氏伤寒学》在此条后言“今反无汗，乃其人久虚，津血均亏，无以作汗”，治疗“当取益气生津，以充汗源，宣透郁热，以清阳明之法。”方取白虎加人参汤、栀子豉汤化裁，也有选用竹叶石膏汤与桂枝二越婢一汤加减的，思路大致相同。

　　而另外一些学者将“久虚”理解为阳气虚，作汗无力。如上文引过的《古今图书集成医部全录之淋浊遗精血汗门·无汗篇》认为：“阳明病反无汗，其身如虫行皮中之状……阳虚而无汗者也。”选方亦截然不同，《太平圣惠方》此条后出方，“宜术附汤”。组成为：甘草（炒）二两，白术四两，附子（炮）一两半，方后明言“此药暖肌补中，助阳气。”

　　对于《伤寒论》第196条“久虚”的认识不同，选方不同，为我们临证选方拓宽了思路，而对于本条痒的核心机理的认识却没有分歧，即“无汗……久虚故。”《素问·阴阳别论》中将汗的机理归为“阳加于阴谓之汗”，无阴、无阳均不能作汗。广而言之，“久虚”可能是阴虚或阳虚，也可能是阴阳两虚，也可能是气虚、津亏，或气阴两亏。无论是什么不足，都可以导致“无汗”而“痒”，临证宜“机圆法活”，总以酿汗为要。

　　综上所述，《伤寒论》中论痒三条，一条讲肌腠不通而不得小汗，阳气怫郁在表故痒；一条讲阳虚较甚不能作汗，浮阳外扰肌肤而痒；一条讲久虚酿汗无力或无源，肌肤不得由汗而通却欲通，故痒。《内经》有言“知其要者，一言而终”，《伤寒论》中论瘙痒，“其要”即为“不得汗”，治疗目标则为“汗出而解”。

　　【本文摘自2010年3月5日《中国中医药报》，由中医书友会(微信号zhongyishuyou)整理编校发表，尊重知识与劳动，转载请保留版权声明。
 

《伤寒论》从汗论治瘙痒

《伤寒论》中有三处提到瘙痒，机理各不相同。一为“以其不能得小汗”；二为“迟为无阳，不能作汗”；三为“无汗……以久虚故”，证机各异，但“不得汗”却同。于是我们可以得出结论：《伤寒论》将瘙痒之原因归于无汗。

第一处是《伤寒论》第23条：“太阳病，得之八九日，如疟状，发热恶寒，热多寒少……一日二三度发，脉微缓者，为欲愈也……面色反有热色者，未欲解也，以其不能得小汗出，身必痒，宜桂枝麻黄各半汤。”

李心机《伤寒论通释》解释为：太阳伤寒八九日，表邪将解，本当以小发汗之法，一疏即解。却失于发汗。病有向愈之机，而未顺势发泄，阳气怫郁在表。

表邪欲解而不得，肌肤欲通而未通，邪扰肌肤，故痒。正邪交争已八九日之久，邪气微，正气也不盛。过汗则伤正，不汗则不能开启腠理、予邪以出路，治疗以桂枝麻黄各半汤小发其汗。验之临床，确有佳效。

笔者数年前以经方治疗皮肤病，曾治一七八岁男童，皮肤瘙痒数月，无疹，无余症，试开两服桂枝麻黄各半汤，隔数日，路遇其家人，言一剂即效，两剂瘙痒除。

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이제 젊은이들이 정신을 차리기 시작했습니다.


문재인 정부는 국가인권위원회 북한인권팀에 팀장 1명만 두고 직원을 모두 없애고, 예산도 절반으로 깎아버렸습니다. 민주당이 10년 이상 가로막고 있던 북한인권법이, 박근혜 대통령 때 통과된 지 2년이 되지만, 북한인권재단 이사진 구성조차 하지 않고 있습니다. 문재인 대통령 비서실장 임종석을 비롯하여 주사파 출신들이 청와대를 장악하고 있습니다.


이들의 시계는 여전히 1945년 이전 일제 식민지시대에 멈춰 있습니다. “일제 식민지 청산과 미 제국주의자의 지배를 벗어나서, 우리 민족끼리 잘 살아 보자”는 것입니다.

  '우리 민족끼리'에 신들려서, 김정은 3대 세습 공산독재도 보지 못합니다. 김정은의 핵미사일도 우리 민족의 것이니까 무엇이 문제냐?고 되묻습니다. 반면 우리 민족이 아닌 미군철수를 외치고, 사드배치를 반대합니다. 미국 소고기를 먹으면 광우병이 걸린다는 거짓선동조차 서슴지 않습니다.

  그러나, 이제 젊은이들이 정신을 차리기 시작했습니다.
  “누구를 위해 평창올림픽을 유치했는가?”
  “평양올림픽이 웬 말인가?”
  “현송월이 뭐길래, 인공기 태운다고 수사를 하지?”
  “트럼프나 박근혜 태울 때는 가만히 있더니, 김정은 태우니까 수사해?”
  “김정은 핵공갈에 넘어가서 그 밑에 사는 건, 노예생활 아냐?”
  “김정은 비위 맞추려고, 언론자유를 제약해? 시위의 자유를 수사해? 우리 여자하키선수들의 피땀을 희생해?”
  “김정은이 아무 때나 이유 없이 약속 취소하고 우리를 무시해도 무조건 굽신거리며, 돈 대주고, 과잉 경호하고, 기름 갖다 주고, 말도 제대로 못하고 살아야 돼?”
  "악질 '민족'보다는 '자유'를 달라!"는 젊은이들의 외침에 먼동이 트고 있습니다.
김문수(前 경기도 지사)

벌레소년은 정신 차리는 젊은이들의 대표라 할만하다.
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   헌법 권위자의 뒤늦은 지적 "탄핵소추의결서는 부실했다"
證人(조갑제닷컴 회원)                    


그의 인터뷰 내용을 종합한 필자의 판단은 억지 탄핵소추에도 불구하고 언론이 이의 관철을 선동하고 국민들이 놀아났으며 무엇보다 냉정하고 엄격해야 할 헌법재판관들마저 이성을 잃고 감성에 휩쓸렸다는 결론이다. 이는 다 아는 사실이지만 탄핵 심판 당시 헌법재판소에서 근무하며 이를 직접 지켜본 헌법 권위자로부터의 인증(認證)인 셈이니 주목할 일이고, 후일을 기약할 실마리라도 찾은 듯한 심정이다.




이미 광풍(狂風)의 핵은 지나갔다. 이를 바로 잡는 일은 정권을 되찾는 길뿐이다. 만약 그런 기회가 온다면 김영삼 정권 이전으로 되돌려놔야 할 것이다. 대한민국 망조는 폭도들을 민주유공자로 둔갑시킨 데서부터 시작된 것이다. 국방부 장관이 국가보안법 위반 전과자에게서 '엄중한 주의'를 들어야 하는 이 상황을 타개하려면 다시 피를 보지 않고서는 불가능해 보인다. 그럴 만한 인물이 나올 수 있을지는 모르겠으나 대한민국이 다시 살아나려면 그 길밖에 없을 듯하다. (발췌)


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白丁   2018-01-30 오후 11:25

아직도 대한민국에는 일송정, 해란강가에서 말달리는 선구자 정신으로 광복운동하는 독립투사들 많습니다. 종군위안부 문제가 새삼 이슈가 된 것도 다 그런 까닭이겠고요. 대한민국에서 진보임을 내세우는 인물들 기자회견 말미에 꼭 끼는 메뉴 3종세트 - 존경하는 인물은 김구, 감명깊게 읽은 책은 백범일지, 애창곡은 선구자 - 아닌 놈 없습디다. 李承晩, 朴正熙 존경한다는 놈 한 놈 없습디다. 그 덕에 대한민국 여권 갖고 해외여행 다니고, 먹고 살고 있는 놈들이...

(조갑제닷컴 댓글)


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황제 도시락 처먹는 좌파 거지 코스프레 떨거지들
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WP “백악관, 빅터 차 駐韓미국대사 지명 검토 철회”




이 신문은 차 석좌가 지난해 12월 트럼프 행정부의 한반도 정책과 관련해 이견을 보였다고 밝혔습니다. 차 석좌가 백악관 국가안보회의(NSC) 당국자들에게 이른바 ‘코피 전략’으로 알려진 제한적인 대북 공격에 대해 우려를 나타냈고 트럼프 행정부가 미-한 자유무역협정(FTA) 폐기를 위협하는 것에 대해서도 반대 의견을 표출했다는 설명입니다.

  신문은 또 관계자를 인용해 차 석좌의 신원 검증 과정에서 문제가 발견됐으며 대사직을 수행하지 못한다는 판단이 내려졌다고 설명했습니다. 해당 관계자는 검증 과정에서 어떤 문제가 발생했는지는 밝히지 않았습니다. (미국의 소리, 발췌)


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한국의 미투 운동이 검찰의 숙청으로 이어질 듯하다. 아래는 일베의 평론.



 [출처] 여검사 사건이 일어난게 자그마치 8년전이다.


피해 입은 사람한테 이런말 하기 조심스럽지만 그 동안은 왜 참은 건지 잘 모르겠다.  더구나 이 사람 말에 따르면 그 성추행 덕분에 인사상 불이익을 2년뒤(?) 받았다고 하는데, 바로 당장도 아니고 2년뒤?  무언가 말이 잘 안 되는 거 같다.  지금 이 여자 사건이 커진 건 일종의 정치적 배경도 있다고 본다.  검찰을 길들이는 거와 공수처 설치에 대한 여론 몰이이다.  공수처란 것은 장차관 부터 검찰 사법부 국회의원 들 까지 부정부패 비리를 조사 기호 하는 기관으로 아는데, 일종의 기존 권력들에 대한 채찍 같은 거다.  좋은 의미로도 볼수 있지만 그 채찍을 만약 문재앙 같은 이가 잡는 다면 독재의 도구로 악용될 여지가 너무 많다는 것이 문제다.  국회의원 숫자가 아직도 여소야대의 상황이고 문재앙의 인기가 점점 떨어 질수록 이들 재앙이네의 재앙스런 입법들이 차질을 만나게 될 것이다.  그 부분에 대한 해결책 겸 권력을 공고히 하기 위한 공수처 설치를 위한 일종의 여론 몰이가 아닌지를 심각하게 고민하는 중이다. 

 

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계속 늘어나는 5.18유공자 - 2017년 총정리/ 일베 발췌


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벌레소년의 인터뷰가 올라왔는데, 웬만한 정치인이나 평론가보다 말을 잘 한다.


http://www.futurekorea.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=102396


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박원숭의 혁신성장 프로젝트 기사에 달린 댓글들.


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빅터 차가 트럼프의 예방 선제 공격에 반대해 낙마했다고 쓰고 있다.
일부 정치 평론가들은 미국의 선제 공격 가능성을 낮게 보았지만, 이제부터 그 가능성은 매우 높다고 보아야 한다.
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NK defector raises his crutch to President
Mr Trump further drilled in the “ominous nature” of the North Korean regimen by highlighting the story of defector Ji Seong-ho, who was also in the crowd.
The President told the story of how Ji was run over by a train in North Korea after trying to steal coal to trade for food, leading to multiple amputations and stunted growth. He was later tortured by North Korean authorities after travelling to China, and has since defected to South Korea where he helps other defectors.
Mr Trump praised Ji, who waved his crutch in the air as the crowd applauded his story.
“Today he has a new leg, but Seong-ho, I understand you still keep those crutches as a reminder of how far you have come. Your great sacrifice is an inspiration to us all,” the President said. “Seong-ho’s story is a testament to the yearning of every human soul to live in freedom.”

트럼프의 연설에서 언급된 탈북자 지성호 씨. 북한에서 석탄을 훔치려다 기차에 치여 다리가 잘려나갔다.

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부패한 정치권을 청소하기 힘든 이유는 기득권이 계속 유지되기를 바라는 사람들을 기용하기 때문이다.

Trump Shows Us Why Its So Hard to "Drain the Swamp"

Paul-Martin Foss

Personnel Is Policy

One of the primary rules in politics is “personnel is policy.” What a politician says he’ll do is less important than who he hires to implement his policies. In many cases, the people he hires may not agree with his policies and may work to surreptitiously (or not so surreptitiously) undermine and co-opt him. We certainly see this on Capitol Hill all the time, where class after class of freshman Congressmen enters Congress pledging to fix the way Congress works. Yet time after time they get corrupted by the system in Washington. Why is that? It’s because of the people they hire.




Coming into office often with no experience of how things operate in DC, they rely on their respective party apparatuses to staff their offices. They’ll hire Hill veterans as their chiefs of staff and legislative directors, staffers who are more concerned with the future of their careers and who consequently do everything they can not to upset party leadership so that they can maintain their ability to work on the Hill and work the government/lobbying revolving door. We’re seeing much the same thing happening in the White House today too, as Trump continues to hire establishment Republicans who wouldn’t be out of place in a Jeb Bush, Mitt Romney, or John McCain White House. (발췌)


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폴 르로이볼리외: 다가올 사회주의 비극을 경고하다

 

르로이볼리외가 1885년 출판한 <집합주의>는 이미 1차 세계대전 이전에, 그리고 러시아에서 사회주의 실험이 시작되기 30년 전에, 사회주의와 계획경제의 파괴적인 면모를 구체적으로 파헤친 책이다.

그는 정부의 통제나 계획 없이도 파리와 런던의 모든 일상 용품들이 차질 없이 공급되고 있다는 사실을 지적했다.

 

Paul Leroy-Beaulieu: A Warning Voice About the Socialist Tragedy to Come

 

•Richard M. Ebeling

 

 

The Russian Revolution of November 1917, now being marked by its centenary, ushered in a hundred years of political tyranny and terror, economic suffering, exploitation and corruption, along with unimaginable mass murder, among the tens of millions of people who came under the control and command of Marxist inspired socialist regimes around the world. But before this tragic episode occurred in human history, indeed, decades before Vladimir Lenin and his cohort of communist revolutionaries seized power in Russia, there were clear and insightful critics of socialism who explained much of what was to be in store in any attempt to implement and impose a collectivist utopia on humanity.

 

One of the leading such anti-socialist voices in the second half of the nineteenth century was the French classical liberal and free market economist, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu (1843–1916). In 1870, Leroy-Beaulieu won several awards for his book on Colonialism and Modern Man. While not openly opposing the French government’s colonial occupation of countries such as Algeria in North Africa, he argued that any colonial power, including France, should follow a policy of free trade within the colonial territories and between those colonies and the rest of the world, since this was the economic policy most likely to benefit the people of France and all those under French colonial administration. He also stated the longer run goal of colonial policy should be eventual self-government by those initially under the control of those in power in faraway Paris.

 

In 1872, Leroy-Beaulieu was appointed professor of finance the Paris Institute of Political Studies, and in 1880 he was given a chair in political economy at the College of Paris, one of the oldest and most respected institutions of higher learning in France. True to the classical liberal ideals of the nineteenth century, Leroy-Beaulieu was a strong advocate of international peace, free trade and mutual prosperity among nations. In 1869, he published a study, Contemporary Wars, in which he dissected the financial and human cost of war in the middle decades of the nineteenth century.

 

The Myth of the State as a Thinking and Willing Entity

 

In 1889, Leroy-Beaulieu published, The Modern State in Relation to Society and the Individual. He argued against the Hegelian conception of the State as a higher and separate entity, more important that the individuals comprising it, and to which the individual was subservient. He emphasized that there is no such thing as “the State” in terms of actions demanded and undertaken. The State is a fiction that enables some to impose their control over others, and to bend the wills of the others to the wills of those in power.

 

“The State neither thinks nor wills of itself,” Leroy-Beaulieu said, “it thinks and wills only in and by the thought and will of the men who control” political power as agents of “the State.” Furthermore, those in political authority, “who control the State, who speak in its name, act in its name, and issue commands in its name, are not of an different physical or mental structure from that of other men. They do not rejoice in any natural superiority, either inborn or inoculated by the very profession they follow.”

 

The State, he insisted, was not the same as “society.” Society is the cumulative associations and networks of mutual relationships and actions undertaken by various individuals to further the common purposes and goals they have in mind. Said Leroy-Beaulieu:

 

 

Society and the State are two different things. ... Side by side with the political organization of collective force, proceeding by way of injunction and restraint, that is, the State, there arise on all sides other spontaneous forms of collective force, each created with a view to a precise and definite end, and acting with various degrees of energy, sometimes, very intense, but altogether without coercion. These are the various associations that answer to some sentiment or interest, some requirement or some illusion, the religious and philanthropic societies, civil, commercial, and financial companies. They simply swarm: the crop is inexhaustible.

 

Man is a being with a natural taste for association, not association of the fixed, immovable, rigid sort imposed from without [by the State] ... We shall then begin to realize how the life of each one of us is intertwined in this enormous network of combinations formed for various purposes which touch upon our profession, our fortune, our opinions, our tastes, our relaxations, our general conceptions of the world, and our particular conceptions of the arts, literature, the sciences, education, politics, the work of helping others, and so on. ... It is evident, therefore, that all kinds of collective requirements are not within the domain of the State. Let us hear no more from our philosophers of any such abstraction as the isolated individual.

 

Leroy-Beaulieu, however, warned that precisely due to the number and continuing growth of such intermediary institutions that separate the State from the individual, and through which individuals are able to better serve their ends and achieve their common goals and purposes through peaceful and voluntary association, “the State is at last beginning to feel jealous and to take alarm.” The continuing development and solving of social problems through these free associations raises the danger that people will come less and less to see any reason to rely on government for much of anything other than the securing of life and liberty. This is reinforced by the important moral consideration that all such institutions and associations of civil society have only one means of influencing people, “the force of persuasion,” while “what characterizes the State is its coercive power.”

 

Socialists Fail to Understand the Spontaneous Market Order

 

The great counter-revolution against individual freedom, the voluntary associations of civil society, and the growing prosperity resulting form free enterprise and free trade is found in the modern demand for centralized control and command of all of social life under the banner of socialism. Analyzing and criticism this threat to human liberty was the theme of Paul Leroy-Beaulieu’s most important and profound work, Collectivism. Originally published in French in 1885, and translated into English in a slightly abridged edition in 1908, it is one of the most detailed and devastating studies of socialism and central planning before the First World War, and all explained more than thirty years before the great socialist “experiment” began in Russia.

 

A leading error in the socialist argument, insisted Leroy-Beaulieu, is the inability to appreciate the workings of the spontaneous order that emerges from the voluntary interactions of a multitude of people following their respective individual interests.

 

“A force is not necessarily unregulated because it acts automatically, on the contrary,” he pointed out, “it is most probably more regular, more uniform and more purposeful in its action, than a force which is entirely directed by volition — a fundamental truth which is quite disregarded by collectivists.” He reminded his readers that without State regulation or directed planning, great cities like Paris and London are daily provisioned with all the necessities and conveniences of everyday life.

 

“Persons who are absolutely ignorant of the general welfare, are nevertheless completely successful in supplying these great cities with the required quantities of all the innumerable commodities demanded by the inhabitants ... This wonderful automatic adjustment of supply and demand is far from being incoherent and anarchic, as asserted by the collectivists,” he explained.

 

Market prices are what integrate and coordinate all of the goings-on of the multitude of market participants. “‘Price’ is the sure guarantee of an adequate supply, and is thus the guardian of the subsistence of humanity ... ‘Price’ is the guide, and in response to its unerring directions, enterprise, spurred on by personal interest, acts with extreme rapidity and certainty” to assure adaptation to constantly changing circumstances.

 

Socialist Planning vs. the Market Price System

 

But all this would come to an end with the abolition of private property in the means of production, and central determination and direction of all economic activity in the hands of the State. How will those in charge of centrally planning the economy know what to do? The government planners will have to rely upon the collection of statistics about supply and demand conditions prepared by “committees of inquiry” for that purpose, he suggested.

 

Yet, statistics, Leroy-Beaulieu said, can never serve as an effective substitute for the fluctuations in prices that always are “more rapid and certain indication of the required amount of production than statistical abstractions.” Imbalances and mismatching between supplies and demands would constantly be open to occurring under socialism, “which would cause terrible disorder and confusion, with effects infinitely more serious than mistakes made by private enterprise, which, as a whole . . . shows a marvelous quickness of adoption; mistakes committed by the State would not only be more serious, but far more difficult to remedy.”

 

The introduction of socialist central planning, therefore, would threaten serious and dire consequences in any society following the collectivist path:

 

 

We see then, that the momentous problem of the adjustment of supply and demand under a collectivist regime, in all localities and in all industries, remains unsolved. The play of prices would vanish with the disappearance of private trade, as would that variation of profit that, although apparently unjust, is in reality the instrument by means of which harmonious interaction between production and [consumer] requirements is maintained.

 

In place of these potent and benign forces, the only safeguard against disaster would be infallibility on the part of the economic administration of the socialist state; but history and experience show that state administration, so far from being infallible, is, on the contrary, far inferior to private administration in respect of certainty and promptitude of conception and execution.

 

On the one side is private interest, always alert and active; on the other, officials hampered by rigid regulations imposed by a bureaucracy, slaves of red tape, capable of dealing with normal conditions only, and impotent when confronted with the exceptional difficulties and unexpected vicissitudes to which the economic world is always liable. Again, on the one side, we have the energies of millions of men freely and actively engaged in work which they understand, on which their living depends, and which, therefore, they perform with the greatest keenness; and on the other, the cool indifference of administrators, who would be quite as much benumbed as stimulated by the responsibilities thrown upon them.

 

The very distortions and failures of socialist central planning, Leroy-Beaulieu warned, would soon generate systemic corruption and black marketeering, as people throughout such a socialist system would try to find ways to better fulfill their needs and wants in the face of shortages of desired goods and superfluous amounts of unwanted commodities. “However severe the regulations might be, it would be impossible to suppress this [illegal] private commerce,” he anticipated.

 

Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, it can be seen, anticipated essential elements of the later “Austrian” critique of central planning developed by Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich A. Hayek. Collecting and collating statistical data about the types, quantities and qualities of the available means of production, and an attempt to survey the vast array of forms and varieties of consumer demands could not and would not in any way serve as an effective substitute for the market-based price system.

 

There was and is no alternative to a functioning price system that indicates easily and adaptively all and every change in market supplies and demands, which serves as the information and incentives for individuals to use their abilities and resources to orient their activities for the satisfaction of consumers’ demands, based upon the profit margin differentials offered by shifting production from one direction into another.

 

The Tyranny and Slavery of Socialism

 

Paul Leroy-Beaulieu also understood that with government centralization and control over the means of production would come the greatest threat to human liberty ever experienced in modern history. He expressed astonishment that so many socialists insisted that their collectivist system would provide a greater degree of individual freedom and dignity than under the market system.

 

 

How could liberty exist in a society in which everyone would be an employee of the state brigaded into squadrons from which there would be no escape, dependent upon a system of official classification for promotion, and for the amenities of life. ... The employee (and all would be employees) would be the slave not of the state, which is merely an abstraction, but of the politicians who possessed themselves of power.

 

A heavy yoke would be imposed upon all, and since no free printing presses would exist, it would be impossible to obtain publicity for criticism or for grievances without the consent of the government. The press censure exercised in [Czarist] Russia would be liberty itself compared to that which would be the inevitable accompaniment of collectivism. However numerous the dissentients, they would be condemned to silence and subjected to injustice under the [socialist] regime, and a tyranny such has never been hitherto experienced would close all mouths and bend all necks ...

 

Intellectual liberty would suffer equally. ... The human mind would thus be subjected to a yoke more terrible than it has ever known — the practices of Torquemada and the Inquisition would be mild in comparison. ... Again, what would become of art when the work of the artists would be subject to the dictation of the directors of production and the state would be the only purchaser?

 

The destruction of individuality would be the inevitable result of such a system, and the position of the laborer under it would be worse than that of a serf in the middle ages. ... Again, what dignity could exist in a society when state obligations would be substituted for all moral duties? Parents would not longer direct the bringing up of their children ...

 

How can human progress continue in a society subject to universal constraint and authority? ... An immense bureaucracy would be established, and individuals who are exceptional in any way would be shouldered on one side and crushed by its complicated machinery.

 

Paul Leroy-Beaulieu’s Warnings About Socialism

 

How amazingly prescient was Paul Leroy-Beaulieu about the reality of socialism-in-practice as experienced in Soviet Russia and anywhere else where it was more or less fully implemented. The Soviet state determined your education and indoctrinated your mind through monopolization of all means of communication and information; determined your occupation and employment and therefore your life opportunities; commanded where you would work and live, down to an assigned apartment in government housing (and there was no other) from which you could not move without permission.

 

The socialist regime viewed all dissent as threats to the system, and therefore brought down the wrath of the State on anyone through those in the hierarchy of power having virtually total control over your fate — including sending you to a labor camp or simply killing you. Corrupt officials and bureaucrats abounded all through the socialist planned economy, with whom “connections” were needed, and to whom loyalties and bribes of many sorts had to be paid to survive in the society.

 

The creative men of the mind — writers, artists, musicians, scientists — all were commanded and coerced into applying their abilities and talents only in those ways useful and demanded by the State to further the aims and goals of the socialist leadership — all in the name, of course, of building the utopia of the future. To resist meant losing your government job, and being classified as an unemployed “social parasite,” which made you subject to arrest, imprisonment and removal to a forced labor camp in the frozen wastelands of Siberia or burning deserts of Soviet Central Asia.

 

And all the while, Soviet socialist reality, due to the unworkability of the central planning system, left the mass of the society waiting on long lines for poor, shoddy and highly limited quantities of everyday goods in the “people’s” retail stores, which were the only legal outlets to get any of the necessities of life.

 

How naïve and blind were so many people as to what was waiting in store from the great experiment in building socialism, when it began a hundred years ago in Soviet Russia. But it is not as if people had no warnings as to what socialist reality might look like if implemented. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu had anticipated and explained most of its worrisome and dangerous features and characteristics three decades before the Russian Revolution began. He also reminded any readers that might have picked up his great book on Collectivism in the years before 1917 that if freedom and prosperity were, indeed, desired, there was no institutional alternative to individual liberty, private property, free markets, and the competitive price system.

 

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로봇도 세뇌시켜 좌파로 만드는 세상.

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（一）寒体方

1当归四逆汤（整体羸瘦—大枣、甘草；局部冷痛----桂枝、细辛；）（抓细辛证）

2葛根汤（葛根背+自下利+无里热）（抓麻黄证+葛根证）

3理中汤（小肠温度低、吸收机能低下）（抓干姜证）

4麻黄附子细辛汤（麻黄证+附子证+细辛证的组合）（抓麻黄证+附子证+细辛证）

5麻黄汤（抓住“经典方证”的麻黄八证运用）（抓麻黄证）

6四逆汤（脉微细、但欲寐）（抓附子证+干姜证）

7吴茱萸汤（消化道寒饮，消化道大量水样分泌物）（抓吴茱萸证。消化道寒饮）

 

（二）热体方

1白虎汤（代谢旺盛+高热脱水）（抓石膏证）

2黄连解毒汤（抗焦虑；抗感染，中药抗菌素；）（抓黄连证）

3黄连阿胶汤（抗焦虑、助睡眠、稳情绪、止热性出血）（抓黄连证的烦热+阿胶证的出血+白芍证的腹痛）

4黄芩汤（白芍证+黄芩证的组合）（抓白芍证+黄芩证）

5小陷胸汤（下呼吸道感染引起的大量黄稠痰；湿热胃炎）（抓黄连证+瓜蒌证）

6三黄泻心汤（头面、上身充血、出血、亢奋）（抓三黄药证）

7茵陈蒿汤（茵陈蒿，退黄专药。阳热状态：加栀子、大黄，成茵陈蒿汤；水湿状态：合五苓散，成茵陈五苓散；阴寒状态：合四逆汤、理中汤，成茵陈四逆汤、茵陈理中汤）（抓黄疸+里热状态）

8栀子柏皮汤（黄连解毒汤的缩减版）

9八味除烦汤（气-火病）（栀子厚朴汤的扩充版，抓栀子证+厚朴、枳壳证）

 

（三）虚体方

1桂枝汤（桂枝人调体方、强壮方）（抓桂枝人）

2桂枝加附子汤（桂枝人+附子证）（抓桂枝人+附子证）

3桂枝加龙牡汤（桂枝人+龙牡证）（抓桂枝人+龙牡证）

4黄芪桂枝五物汤（黄芪人+血痹病【周围神经病、周围血管病】）（抓黄芪人+周围血管病、周围神经病）

5麦门冬汤（虚羸人—麦冬50人参10粳米20大枣20甘草15；气逆证—半夏10）

（抓麦冬证+半夏证）

6薯蓣丸（羸弱人+外邪滞留太阳、少阳，久久不去）（虚劳诸不足+风气百疾）（抓太阳、少阳、少阴合病）

7炙甘草汤（羸弱人+心动悸+大便干结）（抓羸弱人+心动悸+大便干结）

8酸枣仁汤（憔悴老妇的失眠方）（抓甘草人+焦虑症）

9金匮肾气丸（虚弱老男的补肾方）（抓地黄证，下丘脑—垂体—肾上腺轴机能低下）

10生脉饮（羸弱人的能量补充剂）（抓人参证+麦冬证+五味子证）

11温经汤（干枯女人的滋润方）（抓整体，抓羸瘦干枯女人，抓下丘脑-垂体-性腺轴机能低下）

12小建中汤（抓大枣 甘草 饴糖证+桂枝证+芍药证）

（1）面黄肌瘦：大枣 甘草 饴糖证；

（2）气上冲的心悸、出汗：桂枝证；

（3）腹中时有挛痛、大便干结如栗：白芍证。

13玉屏风散（黄芪人+易鼻炎、易感冒、皮肤易过敏、易汗出）（抓黄芪人+易感冒、自汗出）

14竹叶石膏汤（羸弱人—麦冬、人参、粳米、甘草；余热残留—竹叶、石膏；气逆—半夏）

（抓羸弱人—麦冬、人参、粳米、甘草；余热残留—竹叶、石膏；气逆—半夏）

 

（四）实体方

1大柴胡汤（柴胡证+半夏证+大黄腹）（抓柴胡证+半夏证+大黄人）

2大承气汤（大黄腹、大实痛）（抓大黄证+厚朴、枳实证）

3防风通圣散（麻黄证+石膏证+大黄人的组合，强人！）（抓麻黄证+石膏证+大黄人）

4芍药甘草汤（骨骼肌结实有力易痉挛、平滑肌易痉挛）（抓芍药证）

5桃核承气汤（血气上冲—其人如狂---桂枝证；盆腔瘀血—少腹急结—桃仁证；大便干结---大黄证）（抓气上冲的桂枝证、盆腔瘀血的桃仁证、大便干结的大黄证）

6五积散（麻黄证+白术证+干姜证的组合）（抓葛根汤+当归芍药散+五苓散证）


（五）郁体方


1柴龙牡（一身尽重，不可转侧---柴胡证）（抓原文）


2四逆散（舒缓神经，放松身心）（抓柴胡证+芍药证）


3小柴胡汤（往来、寒热，胸胁苦满，默默不欲，脉搏弦细）


（抓柴胡证+黄芩证+半夏 生姜证+人参 大枣 甘草人）


4枳实芍药散（中药阿托品，解痉止痛方）（抓枳实证+芍药证）


5栀子厚朴汤（除烦、顺气、抗焦虑。八味除烦汤的缩减版，用于气-火病）（抓栀子证+厚朴、枳实证）


6八味解郁汤（柴胡、半夏复合体）（抓柴胡人+半夏人）


7退热汤（少阳热型）（抓核心配伍柴胡+甘草）


 


（六）瘀体方


1大黄蛰虫丸（干血：干瘦人+瘀血证）（抓羸瘦人的地黄证+诸活血药证）。


2桂枝茯苓丸


（1）桂枝、茯苓：气上冲，见头昏、头胀、头晕、头痛、面赤、心悸、失眠、烦躁、健忘；


（2）丹皮、赤芍、桃仁：盆腔瘀血的腹证、下肢瘀血的腿证。


（抓脑症、面症、腹症、腿症、皮肤症）


3八味活血汤（血府逐瘀汤的精简版，柴胡人+瘀血证）（抓柴胡人+瘀血证）


4四味健步汤（下肢血管保护剂、修复剂）（抓病）


5桂枝茯苓丸加大黄牛膝方（药物刮宫方）（参考桂枝茯苓丸方证+抓病）






（七）痰体方


1半夏厚朴汤（疑病的半夏人）（抓疑病的半夏人）


2温胆汤（恐惧的半夏人）（抓恐惧的半夏人）






（八）水体方


1当归芍药散（当归、川芎、芍药证+白术、茯苓、泽泻证的组合）（抓白芍证之大便干结如栗和白术证之面黄虚浮，腹肌柔软）


2苓桂枣甘汤（整体羸瘦----大枣、甘草；水气上冲致动悸、急迫、冲击----桂枝、茯苓）


（抓大枣、甘草证的人羸瘦；桂枝证的气上冲症候群；茯苓证的水舌）


3苓桂味甘汤（整体羸瘦----甘草；虚劳人 虚喘证 虚冒证----五味子；气上冲致动悸、急迫、冲击----桂枝；水舌---茯苓）


（抓整体羸瘦----甘草证；


虚喘、虚冒----五味子证；


气上冲症候群的动悸、急迫、冲击----桂枝证；


水舌---茯苓证）


4苓桂术甘汤（水饮上冲，气上冲胸，起则头眩，身为振振摇）


（抓气上冲的桂枝证、水舌的白术茯苓证、人羸瘦的甘草证）


5防己黄芪汤（黄芪人+下肢水肿+膝关节疼痛）（抓黄芪人+下肢水肿+膝关节疼痛）


6甘姜苓术汤（肌肉、关节冷痛、重痛+干姜舌+肥胖女人）（抓肌肉 关节冷痛、重痛+干姜舌+肥胖女人+大量清稀寒冷分泌物）


7五苓散（水体调体方，注意苍白术）（抓白术证）


8小青龙汤（呼吸道寒饮方，呼吸道有大量水样分泌物。本方与治疗消化道寒饮的吴茱萸汤，相互对偶）（抓咳喘+水舌、水涕、水痰）


9猪苓汤（1阴虚+水饮证；2尿路感染专方）（抓病！）


10真武汤（眩、悸、颤+水肿+附子证）（抓眩、悸、颤+白术、茯苓证+附子证）


11八味通阳汤（痰湿水体的调体专方）（抓舌苔白厚，胃腹胀满+浮肿 大便稀 小便少 水舌 肥白 易汗）






（九）错杂方


1半夏泻心汤运用的三种思路：


（1）HP感染的慢性浅表性胃炎专方；


（2）对人：人参、大枣、甘草；


     对证：黄连、黄芩证+半夏证+干姜证；


（3）消化道上段湿热：口腔溃疡、结膜充血、舌苔黄腻、心烦失眠、体格壮实、青壮年人、嗜烟嗜酒、烟客酒客、口臭喷人、HP感染；


中段虚寒：胃脘喜暖、喜按，得冷食或服用清胃药后胃中不适，胃脘怕冷；


下段湿热：肛门灼热、大便粘臭、排便不尽、痔疮肛裂、肛周湿疹。


2柴胡桂枝干姜汤方证：


（1）抑郁、疲劳、怕冷：柴胡证；


（2）焦虑、心烦、口苦：黄芩证；


（3）头汗、失眠、心中悸动、脐腹悸动：桂枝、甘草、牡蛎证（平冲气）；


（4）口中干、大便干：天花粉证；


（5）肠鸣下利，舌面水润：干姜证。


3大黄附子细辛汤（大黄证+附子证+细辛证的组合）（抓大黄证+附子证+细辛证）


4大青龙汤（外麻黄+里石膏）（强人、急病）（抓麻黄证+石膏证）


5附子泻心汤（三黄证+附子人）（抓三黄证+附子证）


6桂枝芍药知母汤（以治疗关节疼痛 外证未去的桂枝汤为主导，配合祛风之防风；散寒之麻黄、附子、干姜；化湿之白术；清热之知母；化瘀之赤芍）（对病）


7葛根黄连黄芩汤（葛根背+芩连证）（抓葛根证+芩连证）


8甘草泻心汤（粘膜修复剂）（抓病！）


9桔梗汤（咽部干热者：合玄麦地，成玄麦甘桔汤；痰气者：合半夏厚朴汤；肿痛者，加连翘）（略）


10荆芥连翘汤（皮肤风药+四逆散+黄连解毒汤）（抓黄连解毒汤人的皮肤病）


11麻杏石甘汤（麻黄人+肺热证）（抓喘+汗出、体壮、头发浓密、营养状况好、活泼好动、面色红润的石膏证）


12排脓散（排痰散，中药沐舒坦）（对病）


13止痉散（中药的卡马西平）（对病，定颤、定痛方）。






整理自黄煌老师著作《黄煌经方使用手册》​




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