2019년 10월 19일 토요일

ㅍㅌㅊ플레이+2
존나 병신들이 친환경 친환경 하잖아???
환경 지키자고 전기차 타야한다곸ㅋㅋㅋ
근데 웃긴건 전기차 안에 들어가는 배터리 만드는 과정에서
디젤차 끌고다니는거보다 훨씬 많은 매연이 대기중으로 방출됨.
2차 오염이라는건데.
이미 관련 논문은 존나게 나오는 중.
병신 정부가 맹목적인 환경친화 내세우면서 전기차 권장하는게 아는 사람 입장에서는 가소롭다 ㄹㅇ  

주피2019.10.20 11:35:22 댓글달기
친환경 전기차를 굴리기위해

오늘도 조선에서는 값싸고 멀쩡한 친환경 원전은 폐기시키고 시커먼 연기나는 석탄,가스,유류등 화력발전소를 가동중 ㅋ

아니면 멀쩡한 자연,산을 밀어서 짱개산 태양광 패널ㅋ

일베
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John Voelcker

The most overlooked story of the week. #china “Rape, torture, and human experiments.” That’s how
one woman who managed to escape a Chinese
“reeducation camp” for Muslims describes what she
saw and experienced.

무슬림들의 재교육 캠프를 탈출한 여성이 보고 경험한,

캠프 안의 강간, 고문, 인간 실험

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Michael D. Swaine

Here is a report on the extensive hacking effort of
China’s MSS in stealing technology related to the
production of a Chinese passenger aircraft. Such
large-scale cyber, etc. commercial espionage is, like
XJ, a major disgrace for CN, and like XJ, the PRC
denies everything.

중국의 국가안전국이 중국의 상용 비행기의 생산과 관

련된 기술 절도에 관여했다.


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Matthew Brooker인증된 계정 
“A politics lecturer at a British university told me recently that he had been asked by university authorities if he could remove a poster of the Tiananmen Square “tank man” from his office wall because it might be offensive to Chinese students. He refused.”

파이낸셜타임즈
Chinese censorship is spreading beyond its borders

해외의 국가에서도 검열을 하려는 중국

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미국에 온 중국 유학생들은 대학에서 좌파들의 의식화 세례를 받는데, 미국이 시작부터 노예제에 기반해 있다고 배우고, 또 인종차별주의와 억압에 대한 끊임없는 비난과 욕설을 듣다가, 마침내 '공산주의가 최고다'라는 결론에 이르는 건 당연한 일이다.


https://t.co/7pslIbAZF5

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Eric Fish인증된 계정 
In the US, those who fly 6+ times per year makeup 68% of all flights taken. 53% of Americans never fly.

1년에 6번 이상 비행한 사람이, 모든 비행의 68%를 차지한다.

미국인의 53%는 비행기를 타지 않는다.

--->에리카 종의 "fear of flying"이 생각났다. 저렇게 많은 사

람이 비행기를 타지 않는다니 좀 놀랍다.
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투기자본감시센터가 15일 공개한 조국 전 법무부 장관 일가 사건 일지. 총 범죄 액수는 280억원, 뇌물 액수는 115억원으로 판단했다. 김민상 기자

뇌물 액수 중 가장 큰 금액은 WFM이 2018년 3월 코링크PE에 53억원 상당 주식 110만주를 무상으로 처분한 것으로 산정했다

yhvh
scott lee - 10월 11일 // 
**수가 정경심 주도의 펀드를 '점빵'으로 표현했다. 경상도/전라도, 남도 지방에서 쓰는 방언이다.
조국이 왜 뼌뻔하게 버티는 지 이유를 모르겠다는 사람들이 많이 있다. 그러나 한국 정치의 현실을 아는 사람들은 조국의 억울함을 이해할 수 있다.
정동영 수준의 거물급 정치인들 중, 자신만의 '점빵'을 만들어 보지 않은 사람은 거의 없다. 조국이 뻐대는 이유는 바로 '너 네들을 이런 짓 다 저질러놓고, 왜 내가 다 뒤집어 써야 하느냐'는 강변이다.
**수가 '점빵'이란 용어를 쓴 이유는, 조국 사모펀드 같은 것을 으래 '점빵'이라 불렀고 **수는 이를 암시하고 있다.
이런 글을 쓰는 나 역시 2000년대, 주워들은 점빵은 부지기 수다. 사회생활 오래 구르면 모를 수가 없다.

나는 조국이 뻐대는 것을 보면서 즐거운 상상을 하고 있다.
조국은 초짜 정치인이다. 이런 그가 거물급이 되기 위해 '점빵' 하나 만들었는데, 초기 수준의 점빵 때문에, 생매장 당한다면 얼마나 억울하겠나?
더불당 중견 정치인들은 똑같이 해먹었는데, 이제 권력의 맛을 볼려고 숟가락 든 나를 파묻어?
에이 ㅆㅂ, 건드리면 다 같이 죽자고 나올 수도 있다고 본다.
크레모어를 몸에 두르고 거대 여권 전체를 협박하고 있기 때문에, 유시민, 이해찬 같은 애들이 오줌지리며 나선다고 생각한다.
초대형 사고는 원래 초짜들이 치는 법이다.


일베
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전국민이 알수 있도록 많이 퍼 날라주세요!


우리직장 동로가 강원도 고성군에 자전거를 타기위해 놀러 갔다가 택시운전기사분이 서울에 가면 사람들에게 꼭알려달라고 하는 내용을 듣고 사안이 너무 중요하여 전달한다.
강원도 고성 전방을 지키고 있는 육군36사단을 해체시켜 북한이 밀고 내려오면 그냥 뚫리는 상황이라고 아주 심각한 상황이라고 한다.

장교들이 택시를 이용하면 너무 걱정이 되어 택시기사분에게 이야기 한단다.
일반시민들이 알도록 군상황을 전달해 달라고  이게 정상적인 나라인가 하는 생각이 강하게 든다
그리고 전방에 설치된 야포도 모두 철거된 상황이고 철거된 야포들이 산자락 주변으로 쌓여 있단다.

도대체 문재인 이 인간 진짜 정체가 무엇인지 상당히 의심이 간다. 분명한건 대한민국을 위한 인간은 아니라는 것이다.
그리고 군인들도 부대내에 스마트폰 사용허가로 군에서 스마트폰을 가지고 있고 주말이면 반이상이 휴가를 나와 군부대가 사실상 와해되었다고 한다
정말 걱정이다.  / 일베

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New paper: nature.com/articles/s4146 74% of the globe's land area has undergone increased greening during 1981-2016, predominantly driven by elevated CO2 concentrations and warmer temperatures. The greening has, in turn, led to 12.4% net growth in the globe's carbon sink.


1981년에서 2016년 사이에 지구 표면의 74%에서 산림녹화가

증가되었는데, 이는 온난한 기후와 이산화탄소 증가 덕분이다.


또 산림녹화로 인해 온실가스 흡수원이 12.4% 증가했다.


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Nassim Nicholas Taleb인증된 계정 
Rioting Lebanese style

레바논 스타일 폭동

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@nntaleb 님, @laure_khoury 님에게 보내는 답글
Concentration of wealth is an emergent property of a complex system such as the economy. bit.ly/2oVYyFs . It is also a property of rent seeking societies. The other emergent property, social mobility, will not show up. Picketty and friends seem to ignore this...

부의 집중은 경제와 같은 복잡계의 발현 특성이다. 그것은 또

한 지대를 착취하는 사회의 특성이기도 하다.

또다른 발현 특성인 사회적 유동성은 나타나지 않는다. 피케티

등은 이를 무시하는 듯 보인다.

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Balaji S. Srinivasan인증된 계정 
The concept of social media as the Fifth Estate may be the most enduring part of Zuck's speech yesterday. As the Fourth Estate, the press self-conceptualizes its role as holding society accountable. As the Fifth Estate, social media is how society holds the press accountable.


소셜 미디어가 5부라는 말은 어제 저커버그의 연설중 가장 인

상적이다.

제4부라고 자칭하는 언론은 사회에 책임을 묻고 있다.
그런데 5부인 소셜 미디어를 통해 사회는 이제 언론에 책임을

묻고 있다.

The issue is bigger than Facebook, as big as it is. It extends to every platform that provides people a voice.
 
Should tech companies accede to demands from their direct competitors (namely media companies) to censor millions of users?
 
Or should they stand for free speech?
 
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Of course social media has contributed to all kinds of issues. Polarization, online mobs, riots, offline violence.
 
But it’s also given a voice to billions. You can’t take that voice away. It’s like disenfranchising someone.
 
The right to voice is as important as the right to vote.
 
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You can’t have an “informed citizenry” if citizens can’t inform other citizens.
 
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If a plebiscite was held, few people would want to give up their own right to voice on social media.
 
They may want to silence someone else, but they would not want to give up their own right.
 
Nor should it be taken away without good reason and due process.
 
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In the long term, I think the outcome of this “debate” over whether the masses should have a voice is already preordained.
 
End-to-end encryption and crypto will see to that. We’re just buying time till the cavalry comes.
 
 
Future historians will write about how this last ditch anti-speech Luddism was doomed from the start.
 
You can’t put the genie back in the bottle. You won’t take away the voices newly gained by billions.
 
Because to be against technology is to be on the wrong side of history.
 
호리병에서 나온 지니를 다시 집어놓을 수는 없다. 수십 억명이 얻은 목소리를 막을 수는 없다. 기술에 역행하는 일은 역사를 거스르는 것이다.

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뉴욕타임즈 기사 한 단락에 포함된 수많은 오류들

수십년간 비엔나의 별명은 붉은 비엔나인데, 이는 당시 지적 분위기가 자

유주의적이지 않았다는 것을 의미한다.
 
The New York Times Gets Neoclassicals, Austrians, and Schumpter Wrong, all in One Article
 
Joakim Book
 
Clarity is a virtue, and if overlooking critical nuances can mean readers end up more confused after reading one’s work, that’s not very useful, to put things mildly.
 
Earlier this month, Justin Fox at The New York Times made a splendid illustration of this blunder; his piece amounted to saying mostly unsubstantiated things about “the” state of economics while renouncing clarity in favor of confused concepts and histories. Fox reviews two books: NYT writer Binyamin Appelbaum ’s The Economist’s Hour and The Marginal Revolutionaries by long-term student of fin de siècle Vienna and University of Alabama historian Janek Wasserman. Having not yet finished Wasserman’s biography of the Austrian school and its early economists, I don’t know if the below inaccuracies stem from his misinterpretations of these authors or from errors in the discussed works themselves.
 
Consider the following illustrative paragraph. Fox writes that the 1871 marginal revolution
 
made Vienna a leading Continental outpost of the market-oriented ‘neoclassical’ economics that also became dominant in Britain and eventually the United States. But the Austrian school also had some unique properties. One was a fascination with entrepreneurs, expressed most famously in Joseph Schumpeter’s 1942 account of the ‘creative destruction’ of business failure and creation. Another was a skepticism of the mathematical tools used by neoclassical economists elsewhere. Most pronounced of all was a disdain for government management of the economy.
 
Fox is right that late-19th century Vienna was a thriving hub of intellectual achievements in arts, culture, philosophy, legal theory as well as economic thought. Describing it as an “outpost of the market-oriented ‘neoclassical’ economics,” or believing that the neglected brands of emerging so-called Austrian Economists were calling the shots is quite a stretch.
 
Let’s unpack this a bit.
 
Strike 1: The Austrian School as "Neoclassical"
First, the vacuous and perilous term “neoclassical” economics is misused here as in modern times when employed as a slur for any economic thinking that displeases the author. Thorstein Veblen is usually credited with having invented the term in 1899/1900, a pesky three decades after the marginal revolution. He specifically considered and attacked the economics of Alfred Marshall, professor of political economy in Cambridge between 1885 and 1908, whose textbook Principles of Economics was widely used in England. Tony Aspromourgos, the historian of economic thought, biographer of Adam Smith, and full disclosure my former professor at the University of Sydney, writes that early users of the term “all place[d] Marshall at the centre of a neoclassical economics.” If the term ever referred to anything concrete and specific, it was the economics of Marshall.
 
Jaffé’s oft-cited article further separated Menger, Jevons and Walras from one another and clearly illustrated the modern mistake of lumping them together as co-originators of the Marginal Revolution: Menger refrained from using mathematical expositions; Menger’s conception of marginal unit is vastly different from Jevons and even moreso from Walras; Schumpeter singled out Walras as user of general equilibrium, in stark contrast to Jevons or Menger.
 
Strike 2: Vienna as an Outpost of Market-Oriented, Anti-Government Ideas
Any sweeping statement of the complicated and diverse intellectual environment of pre-WWI Vienna is going to miss its mark. Implying that it was somehow dominated by “market-oriented” economists is entirely incorrect. We can point to many distinguished intellectuals whose persuasions were rather the opposite: Otto Neurath, a frequent sparring partner to the actual-Austrian economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk in the halls of University of Vienna, whose ideas for socialized economies were shared widely among intellectuals. Indeed, Neurath was in charge of centrally planning the Bavarian socialist economy during its brief socialist rule in 1918-19; Hans Kelsen, the founder of legal positivism, the legal doctrine that traces validity of laws to correct governmental procedures regardless of content; Otto Bauer, the Austro-Marxist and socialist party secretary in the 1900s and 1910s whose bolshevist persuasions all but ensured an Austrian union with Moscow.
 
For decades, the nickname for Austria’s finest city was “Red Vienna,” suggesting that perhaps the intellectual environment of these early Austrian economists was something other than “a disdain for government management.”
 
Strike 3: Entrepreneurship and Schumpeter
This association of entrepreneurs with Schumpeter is particularly dreadful. Fascination with entrepreneurs as drivers of economic change is indeed a signum of Austrian economics a line of thinking that harks back through early generations of Austrians and even to Richard Cantillon. It preceded Schumpeter by decades, and continues today largely independent of Schumpeter’s concept of “creative destruction.”
 
Schumpeter’s economics, whose national origin was Austria, is thoroughly Walrasian following Walras’ general equilibrium methods, rather than Menger’s subjectivism. His entrepreneurship theories are not Austrian.
 
Be Nuanced, Stop Fudging
Piece by piece, Fox’s confusing paragraph has unraveled. Scrutinized properly, it makes very little sense. Throwing words together in an under-analyzed mish-mash don’t make them informative, let alone true.
 
The final objection that might be laid against Fox’s version of market-loving economists’ dominance is precisely its pretend dominance. Pre-Keynesian Marshallian economics was briefly popular in England, and some select market practices that twentieth-century economists advanced have filtered through to policy-makers. But by and large, this threat of Rule-By-Economist seems largely imaginary.
 
On political discussions ranging from rent control or tariffs and free trade to raising top marginal tax rates, economists of all political persuasions overwhelmingly line up on one side with politicians, the intellectuals and actual real-world policies on the other. Meanwhile, several countries in the OECD are on the wrong side of the Laffer Curve (stifling activity while raising less taxes than they could have). The distinguished Swedish economist Assar Lindbeck, an 89-year-old economist who was put in charge of a committee in the 1990s to update and liberalize Sweden’s bloated public sector and so has actually had some political influence has campaigned for abolished rent control for over half a century. Without any success whatsoever.
 
To pretend, against that background, that economists rule the political roost seems incredible. Fox should take note.
 
Joakim Book is an economics graduate of the University of Glasgow, and is currently a graduate student at the University of Oxford. He writes regularly at Life of an Econ Student.

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New paper: 74% of the globe's land area has undergone increased greening during 1981-2016, predominantly driven by elevated CO2 concentrations and warmer temperatures.  
Kenneth Richard @Kenneth72712993 10월 18일
New paper: 74% of the globe's land area has undergone increased greening during 1981-2016, predominantly driven by elevated CO2 concentrations and warmer temperatures. The greening has, in turn, led to 12.4% net growth in the globe's carbon sink.

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