https://youtu.be/brNx8j7NWyU
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이인규 前 중수부장 vs. 원세훈 前 국정원장
노무현 전 대통령 시계수수 범죄사실 수사 관련 입장문
조갑제닷컴
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약의 가격을 내릴 수 있는 방법
---->한의학의 약과 침구를 도입하면, 약값을 크게 낮출 수 있고, 치료 효과도 눂일 수 있다. 한의학의 약은 새롭게 개발하는 게아니라, 기존의 약초를 응용해 새로운 치료 방법을 찾는 것이므로, 개발비가 거의 들지 않는다.
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| 무학산 2018-06-28 오후 2:13 | ||
| 이게 다 이명박 정권이 노무현 뇌물 사건을 야무딱지게 처리하지 않았기 때문에 있게 된 일이다. 이명박은 노무현 자살 앞에서 벌벌 떨었다. 그래서 우겨서 국장으로 했고 이는 국민들이 자살자에 대한 동정심을 유발시킨 가장 큰 원인이 되었으며 나아가 '폐족'들이 집권한 계기가 되었다. 세상 천지에 뇌물 피의자를 호텔에서 조사하는 나라가 어디에 있나? 그때 야무딱지게 처리했더라면 오늘 감방에 가 있지도 않을 것이며 박근혜 또한 여기서 자유로울 수 없다 지금 문재인 정권이 거칠 것 없이 나대는 것도 만약 다음에 정권 교체가 있더라도 우익은 자기들에게 보복하지 못할 거라고 믿기 때문에 일개 정권이 나라를 제 맘대로 휘젓는 것이다. (발췌) | ||
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---->한의학의 약과 침구를 도입하면, 약값을 크게 낮출 수 있고, 치료 효과도 눂일 수 있다. 한의학의 약은 새롭게 개발하는 게아니라, 기존의 약초를 응용해 새로운 치료 방법을 찾는 것이므로, 개발비가 거의 들지 않는다.
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주류 경제학의 수요 공급 이론의 헛점
Problems with Mainstream Theories of Supply and Demand
•Frank Shostak
One of the few things economists agree on is that prices are determined by supply and demand. This is summarized by means of supply and demand curves, which describe the relationship between the prices and the quantity of goods supplied and demanded.
Within the framework of supply-demand curves, an increase in the price of a good is associated with a fall in the quantity demanded and an increase in the quantity supplied. Conversely, a decline in the price of a good is associated with an increase in the quantity demanded and in a decline in the quantity supplied.
The law of supply is depicted by an upward-sloping curve while the law of demand is presented by a downward-sloping curve.
The equilibrium price is established at the point where the two curves intersect. At this point, the quantity supplied and the quantity demanded is equal — at the equilibrium price the market is said to "clear."
Graphs vs. Reality
In the conventional supply-demand framework, consumers and producers confront a given price; that is, at a given price, consumers demand and producers supply a certain quantity of a good. Demand is not a particular quantity, such as 10 potatoes, but rather a full description of the quantity of potatoes the buyer would purchase at each and every price that might be charged. Likewise, supply is not a particular quantity but a complete description of the quantity that sellers would like to sell at each and every possible price. At a given price, people demand a certain quantity of a good while producers supply a certain quantity.
Within this framework, neither consumers nor producers have anything to say as far as the origin of a good’s price is concerned. The price is just given. Both consumers and producers react to a given price. However, who has given the price? Where has the price come from?
The law of supply and demand originates from imaginary construction of economists
The law of supply and demand as presented by mainstream economics does not originate from the facts of reality but rather from the imaginary construction of economists. None of the figures that underpin the supply and demand curves originate from the real world; they are purely imaginary.
The framework of supply-demand curves rests on the assumptions of unchanged consumer preferences and income and the unchanged prices of other goods. In reality, however, consumer preferences are not frozen, and other things do not remain constant. Obviously, then, no one could have possibly observed these curves. According to Mises,
"It is important to realize that we do not have any knowledge or experience concerning the shape of such curves."1
Yet, economists heatedly debate the various properties of these unseen curves and their implications regarding government policies.
The whole idea that the price of a good is simply given produces the impression that the price is an attribute of a good--i.e., that it is part of the good itself. There is, however, no such thing as a price of a good in general. The prices of goods are established in a particular transaction at a particular place and at a given time. According to Ludwig von Mises,
A market price is a real historical phenomenon, the quantitative ratio at which at a definite place and at a definite date two individuals exchanged definite quantities of two definite goods. It refers to the special conditions of the concrete act of exchange. It is ultimately determined by the value judgments of the individuals involved. It is not derived from the general price structure or from the structure of the prices of a special class of commodities or services. What is called the price structure is an abstract notion derived from a multiplicity of individual concrete prices. The market does not generate prices of land or motorcars in general nor wage rates in general, but prices for a certain piece of land and for a certain car and wage rates for a performance of a certain kind.2
The value that an individual assigns to goods is the product of his mind judging the facts of reality. Individuals assess the usefulness of a good as a means to support their life and wellbeing. On this Carl Menger wrote,
Value is thus nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, nor an independent thing existing by itself. It is a judgment economizing men make about the importance of the goods at their disposal for the maintenance of their lives and wellbeing. Hence, value does not exist outside the consciousness of men. It is therefore, also quite erroneous to call a good that has value to economizing individuals a "value," or for economists to speak of "values" as of independent real things, and to objectify value in this way.3
Similarly, Mises wrote,
It would be absurd to look upon a definite price as if it were an isolated object in itself. A price is expressive of the position which acting men attach to a thing under the present state of their efforts to remove uneasiness.4
How Prices Are Determined
Contrary to the mainstream view, prices are not just given — somebody sets them. This somebody is a producer. Whenever a producer sets a price for his product, it is in his interest to secure a price where the quantity that is produced can be sold at a profit.
In setting this price, the producer/entrepreneur will have to consider how much money consumers are likely to spend on the product, the prices of various competitive products, and the cost of production.
Producers set the price. However, consumers, by buying or abstaining from buying, are the final decision-makers as to whether the price set will lead to a profit.
Producers in this regard are at the total mercy of consumers. If, at a set price, a producer cannot make a positive return on his investment because not enough people are willing to buy his product, the producer will be forced to lower the price to boost turnover. Obviously, by adjusting the price of the good, the entrepreneur must also adjust his costs in order to make a profit.
A producer will secure a profit when, at the set price of a good, consumer buying will generate revenue that will exceed the cost plus interest. Profit is an indication that both producers and consumers have improved their wellbeing.
By investing a given amount of money, producers have secured a greater amount of money. This, in turn, enables them to secure a greater amount of goods and services, which in turn promotes their lives and wellbeing. Likewise, consumers, by exchanging their money for goods that are on their highest-priority lists, have raised their living standards.
In fact, price setting is never mechanistic and automatic. It is up to the producer/entrepreneur to assess whether it is a good or a bad idea to raise prices; after all, what matters for him is making a profit.
When a good makes a profit at a particular price, then it is a signal to entrepreneurs that consumers are willing to support the product at the set price. Prices, therefore, are an important factor in establishing how producers employ their resources.
Observe, then, that what determines the amount of goods supplied is not some hypothetical demand schedule, but a producer's appraisal as to whether, at a given place and a given time, consumers will approve of the goods supplied. He has to be as accurate as possible in setting the right price that will enable him to sell his supply at a profit.
Further Issues with the Supply-Demand Framework
In the supply-demand framework, production cost is an important input in determining the prices of goods. In the supply-demand framework, an increase in the cost of production will shift the supply curve to the left. For a given demand curve, this will raise the price of a good.
We have already seen, however, that it is consumer buying or abstention from buying that is the sole determining factor for the prices of goods. No individual buyer is preoccupied with the cost of producing a particular good. The price that he will agree to pay for a good is in accordance with his particular priorities at a given point in time. The cost of production is of no relevance to him.
Moreover, the cost-of-production theory runs into trouble when attempting to explain the prices of goods and services that have no cost because they are not produced — goods that are simply there, like undeveloped land. Likewise, the theory cannot explain the reason for the high prices of famous paintings. On this Murray Rothbard wrote,
Similarly, immaterial consumer services such as the prices of entertainment, concerts, physicians, domestic servants, etc., can scarcely be accounted for by costs embodied in a product.5
Using the supply-demand framework for a particular good, mainstream economists proceed further and introduce supply and demand curves for the whole economy. They hold, for example, that if the economy is under performing then what is needed is a bolstering of demand by means of fiscal or monetary policies.
For a given supply curve, they contend, this will push the demand curve to the right, thereby lifting overall output. Observe that the supply-demand framework provides the rationale for government and central bank interference with businesses.
This framework, however, says nothing how the increase in demand generates more output. Furthermore, it is silent regarding the funding required in order to raise output. Also, we have seen that, in reality, it is producers that initiate the introduction of new products. They set in motion increases in goods and services, and not consumers as such.
Producers present new products, so to speak, to consumers who, in turn, by buying or abstaining from buying, determine the fate of products. Hence, there is no such thing, as an autonomous demand that somehow triggers supply.
Supply-demand graphics also provide the justification for various imaginary monopolistic theories, which in turn provide the rationale for the government destruction of successful businesses. For instance, it is held that a company that forces the price above the competitive price level is engaged in monopolistic activities and therefore must be taken to task.
Even if we were to accept, this way of thinking as valid there is no way to establish whether the price of a good is above the so-called competitive price level (monopoly price). By what criteria can one decide what a competitive price is?
On this Rothbard wrote,
There is no way to define 'monopoly price' because there is also no way of defining the competitive price' to which the former must refer.6
In the supply-demand framework for the economy, economists employ the quantity of output produced and its average price. However, neither the average price nor the total output can be established.
It is not possible to establish an average price for $10 /shirt and $50/liter of wine. Likewise, it is not possible to add ten shirts and one liter of wine to establish the total output. Hence, the entire graphical framework of the supply and demand for the economy rests on misleading premises.
What’s more, the whole issue of so-called equilibrium is misleading in the way the supply-demand framework presents it. Equilibrium, in the context of conscious and purposeful behavior, has nothing to do with the intersection of supply and demand curves.
Equilibrium is established when an individual’s ends are met. When a supplier is successful in selling his supply at a price that yields profit, he is said to have reached equilibrium. Similarly, consumers who bought the supply have done so in order to meet their goals.
Therefore, government and central bank policies aimed at shifting imaginary curves toward so-called equilibrium in fact prevent both consumers and producers from attaining their goals and hence prevent the achievement of the true equilibrium.
Conclusion
Despite its great appeal because of its simplicity, the supply-demand graphic as employed by mainstream economics is a tool that is detached from the facts of reality.
The real-world economy is far too complex to be faithfully rendered by simple graphs that take no account of uncertainty, entrepreneurial speculation, and the ceaseless change of the market economy.
By no means is this framework harmless, because government and central bank decision-makers make use of this tool in forming various policies. This is why they are continually surprised when the real economy performs in a manner different from what their graphical analysis would seem to predict.
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장중경의 본래 의도로 돌아가라
回归仲景原意 在临床中诠释经典
——《黄仕沛经方亦步亦趋录》评介
熊兴江 中国中医科学院广安门医院心内科
（本文发表于中国中医药报）
近读中国中医药出版社出版的经方新著《黄仕沛经方亦步亦趋录——方证相对医案与经方问对》，获益匪浅，感慨良多。黄仕沛先生出生于中医世家，幼承庭训，正步杏林，从医多年，体验非凡。上世纪90年代起转攻仲景之学，于经方致力尤勤，尤其服膺仲景方证之学，大有“觉今是而昨非”之感。书中不仅通过大量经方治疗危急重症病案展示出一位当代中医临床名家疗效卓著、屡起沉疴的大师风范，更展示出先生对中医学的真挚感情，对中医学子的提携厚爱。黄师谆谆告诫后学学习中医学的关键与捷径——方证相对，笔者对此感同身受。忠实仲景原文，亦步亦趋 黄师常谓“仲景步亦步，仲景趋亦趋，是学习经方最基本要求，也是最高境界”，黄师指出对医圣亦步亦趋，以仲景书为法，探索经方的辨治体系和用药规律是学习捷径所在。而学习、掌握、运用经方的基础与关键则在于忠实仲景经典原文。临证时，只有熟练掌握方证条文，才可以辨别方证进而据证用方。书中记载的大量经方验案与经典原文高度相似，可以说是经典条文的高频再现，是经方医案的原味翻版。如“胸中一股寒气上冲咽喉，时而数日一发，时而一日数发，发作时觉胸中窒息感”即“胸痹心中痞，留气结在胸，胸满，胁下逆抢心”之枳实薤白桂枝汤证；“上腹部跳动感半年”的十二指肠球部溃疡即“心中悸而烦者”的小建中汤证；应激性肠炎患者的“大便失禁，清稀如水状，量多”即“自利不渴者，属太阴，以其脏有寒故也”的理中汤证等。 拓展运用经方，深入挖掘 由于经典原文叙症极其简略，这给我们学习继承带来了极大的困难，因此如何做到古方新用、古方今用，还原、丰富、充实方证主治就成了学习经方的重要任务。黄师以其深厚的理论功底和扎实的临床实践经验，深入挖掘经典高效古方方证，拓展经方证治，还原经方剂量，读来启发甚多。以小续命汤为例，该方原文主治中风痱，黄老将本方拓展运用于治疗多发性硬化、脊髓膜瘤术后脊髓萎缩、急性胸颈段神经根炎、帕金森综合征、胸腺瘤术后放疗后脊神经受损等出现四肢肌力下降，肌张力降低，下肢活动不利、乏力，感觉障碍，麻痹不仁，言语不清，吞咽功能障碍，神经性疼痛等。黄师对方证的临证发挥还有很多，如不仅将木防己汤用于治疗关节疼痛，指（趾）端如鼓槌状，还用于慢性肺源性心脏病肺动脉高压出现指端发黑、杵状指的治疗，认为这是条文“面色黧黑”的延伸；甘草泻心汤治疗银屑病、慢性结膜炎、手足口病；防己地黄汤、风引汤治疗老年女性的嘴巴不自主抖动，脑梗后肢体不自主舞蹈等。 不尚玄理空谈，力倡客观 “仲景之学，至唐而一变”，自宋以降，中医学思辨盛行，徐灵胎针对当时医界诡辩盛行深有感慨，“今则以古圣之法为卑鄙不足道，又不能指出病名，惟以阳虚、阴虚、肝气、肾弱等套语概之”。黄师敏锐意识到该问题的严重性，临床不尚玄理，不尚空谈，不尚浮夸，反对以虚无飘忽的理论解释仲景学说。通过文献考证发现，《伤寒论》与《内经》并非同一传承体系，若以《内经》理论解释仲景学说则大失圣人之意，所以黄师反复告诫学生，“须知仲景用药，皆以证为依据”。如麻黄汤中桂枝为桂枝证而设，不仅能主治恶寒发热头痛，更能定悸，减轻麻黄发汗太过而出现“心下悸欲得按”之弊；芍药甘草汤并非“酸甘化阴”所能解；血府逐瘀汤中桔梗、牛膝一升一降只是基于良好主观愿望的一厢情愿，桔梗去之也无妨等。 黄师力倡回归仲景原意，主张在临床中诠释经典，反对以虚玄的理论敷衍解释伤寒，甚至在其《陋质铭》中说“可以丢素问、去难经，无生克之乱耳，无六气之无形”，看似偏激，但其言论切中时弊、掷地有声、振聋发聩。况且黄师也不完全反对《内经》，只是强调要把有限的精力放在重点上，而这里的重点则指“方证”。柯韵伯曾说，“夫仲景之道，至平至易，仲景之门，人人可入，而使之茅塞如此，令学人如夜行歧路，莫之指归，不深可悯耶？”中医学大道至简，而方证则是中医学的核心所在，是执简驭繁的关键。总的来说，笔者认为该书瑕不掩瑜，不失为学习经方之一大助，为嘉惠杏林的一部应时佳作。
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黄仕沛의 지황 사용법 《神农本草经》谓干地黄“治折跌绝筋，伤中逐血脉，填骨髓，长肌肉，……除寒热、积聚，除痹。” 10首方中地黄用量最大的是防己地黄汤，用生地黄二斤，其次是炙甘草汤用生地黄一斤。百合地黄汤则用生地黄汁一升。大黄庶虫丸用干地黄十两，肾气丸用干地黄八两，当归建中汤的加减法中，若去血过多，崩伤内衄不止，加地黄六两，胶艾汤、三物黄芩汤用干地黄四两，黄土汤用地黄三两，薯蓣丸用干地黄十分，用量皆相当大。 黄仕沛老师临床上善用地黄，他认为，综合来看，地黄之用在于滋阴养血，具体效能主要包括：1.润燥，2.制燥，3.定躁，4.安神、5.定悸。除此之外，地黄还可以止血、清热，本文不一一尽述。 黄师曾治一过敏性皮炎患者，全身片状皮疹，干红，瘙痒明显，以甘草泻心汤加麻黄、生地、石膏治疗，处方： 我亦曾治一糖尿病周围神经病变患者，全身皮肤干燥、潮红，瘙痒难忍，满布搔抓的痕迹，抓痕处有渗血、谌液。发病已接近1年，时好时坏，本次加重接近1月，反复使用过多种抗过敏药物，甚至使用过激素，效果不佳。予百合地黄汤合麦门冬汤加减，处方： 炙甘草汤又名复脉汤，《金匮要略﹒肺痿肺痈咳嗽上气脉证并治》附《外台秘要》“肺痿涎唾多，心中温温液液者”。现代很多医生都用炙甘草汤改善肿瘤患者的恶液质状态。黄师曾以炙甘草汤治疗肺癌术后及冠心病支架植入术后阴液枯竭的患者，疗效显著。 黄师曾以防己地黄汤治疗两例脑梗塞后出现不自主运动的患者，一例双手舞动不止，型似兰花，一例嘴巴不自主抖动，皆用生地九十克，治疗后症状缓解，未见再次发作。 当然对于治疗心悸，桂枝是最关键的，但后世解释炙甘草汤多认为生地黄有此功效。黄师以炙甘草汤治疗心律失常包括频发室性、预激综合征等多例，每次皆能起效。 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 어제인가 그제 kbs에서 현훈에 대한 프로그램을 했는데, 보지는 않았지만 물론 엉터리 서구의학 이론을 읊었을 것이다. 아래는 장중경의 책 중에서 현훈에 대한 약을 몇가지 추려낸 것이다.
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