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문죄인의 최악의 의도에 준비해야 한다.
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북한 철도의 히스토리를 정보게이 시각으로 알아봄.
1. 독일 베를린올림픽에서 마라톤 금메달을 딴 손기정은 서울역에서 기차를 타고 베를린을 감. 1936년 이었음. 개성-신의주 구간을 히카리호는 시속 57km로 달림.
2. 서울보다 먼저 평양에 지하철이 생김. 1973년이었음. 북한은 산악지대가 많아 도로가 발달되지 못해서 철도운송이 중요했기에, 일제시대부터 철도운송에 많은 투자를했고 해방이 되면서 좋은 철도 인프라를 공짜로 먹음. 한국보다 훨씬 더 기차와 관련된 제반 시설이 좋았다는 말임.
3. 문제는 김일성이 옥수수에 이어 철도에도 큰 뻘짓을 해버림.
(옥수수에 한 뻘짓은 위에 링크)
4. 철도를 전철화 한 것임.
5. 김일성은 철도를 복선화 한다거나, 궤도와 열차를 현대화하는데 돈을 쓰지 않고 기차를 전기로 가게하는데 돈을 다 써버림. 전체 철도의 80%를 전철로 만듬.
6. 전철은 전기먹는 하마라 어마어마한 전기가 필요하게 됨.
7. 전철로 결정한 이유는 있었음. 석탄이 많은 나라니 화력발전을 해서 전기를 만들수 있고, 수풍댐 이라는 대형 발전소가 있어 수력발전으로도 전기를 만들수 있겠다 싶어 그렇게 밀어붙이게 됨.
8. 그런데 옥수수가 문제를 일으킴.
9. 김일성은 옥수수를 곡식의 왕 이라고 부르며 븍한 전역을 옥수수밭으로 만드는 주체농법을 밀어붙임. 주체농법이란 거름이 많은 부식토에 옥수수알을 키운뒤 싹이 나면 밭에 옮겨심어서 효율을 높이는 방법임. 부식토에 난 수많은 싹들을 모두 옮겨 심기 위해 웬만한 산들의 나무를 다 베어버리고 옥수수 밭을 만들게 됨.
10. 산의 나무를 다 베고 옥수수를 심어버리자, 비가 올때 뿌리로 산사태를 막아주던 나무들이 사라져서 민둥산이 되었고, 비만 오면 산사태가 나기 시작함. 그중 몇몇 산사태는 석탄을 캐는 탄광들을 덮치게 됨.
11. 큰 탄광 몇개가 산사태에 매몰되자, 석탄을 원하는 만큼 캘 수 없게 되고, 석탄이 제대로 공급이
안되니 석탄을 연료로 하는 화력발전소가 제대로 가동될 수 없었으며, 대안으로 생각했던 수풍댐은 수력발전이라 수량이 적은 겨울철에는 쓸모가 없었음.
12. 화력발전소와 수력발전소가 제대로 가동이 안되니, 전력이 부족해졌고, 전력이 부족하니 전기먹는 하마인 전철이 멈춰섬. 전철이 서버리니 광산에서 캔 석탄을 화력발전소로 옮길수가 없어짐.
13. 화력발전소는 석탄이 없어 전기를 못 만들고, 석탄광산은 전기가 없으니 석탄을 캘수가 없게 됨. 북한의 탄광이 갱도식이라 발전기가 멈추면 갱도에 지하수가 차버려 멈추게 됨. 나라 전체가 악순환에 빠져버림.
14. 식량이 없고, 전기를 못 만들자 나라 자체가 멈춰서며 300만명이 굶어 죽었다는 고난의 행군이 시작됨. 인구 17만 김책시에서만 하루에 200명이 굶어죽는 일이 생김.
15. 이때 인민들은 먹을것을 구하기 위해 중국으로 탈북을 하고, 그중 일부는 한국으로 들어옴. 엄청난탈북자들이 들어와서 하나원이라는 민간인 수용 및 교육시설까지 만들게 됨.
16. 김일성은 전기가 얼마나 위험한지 몰랐음. 전기는 필요한 양보다 많이 생산하면 쓸모없는 잉여전력이 되고, 1kw라도 모자라게 되면 전체 전력이 한꺼번에 멈추는 블랙아웃이 발생하게 되는 무서운 ㄴ이었음.
17. 전기가 제대로 공급이 안되자 전기먹는 하마인 전철이 서고, 전철이 서자 물류가 멈춰버림. 선상님이 쌀을 해주항에 엄청 내려줬는데, 굶고있는 인민에게 가져다줄 길이 없어 계속 굶어죽는 일이 생김.
18. 물류가 서고 수많은 사람이 굶어죽는 고난의 행군이 오자 인민들은 철로의 나사를 빼서 팔고, 당은 철로를 지탱하는 자갈이나 침목관리도 할수 없게 됨. 위의 사진처럼 철도가 ㅆㅊ이 남.
19. 현재까지도 이런 상황이 이어져서 현재 북한 기차들의 평균 속도는 시속 15km임. 부산-서울 정도를 가는데 23일까지 걸리는 경우가 생기고, 제대하는 병사가 열차안에서 굶어죽는 일도 생기게 됨. 사흘안에 목적지에 도착하면 대박이라고 함.
20. 기차가 제 속도로 달리기 위해서는 기관차만 신형을 넣으면 되는게 아님.기차가 달리는 길인 철로의 강철도 맛이 가 있는데다 철로밑의 자갈이나 침목도 없거나 썩어서 속도를 내면 열차가 탈선해버림. 북한에서 제일 신형인 평양과 중국을 오고가는 열차가 시속 40킬로로 달리고 있음.
21. 올해 1차 남북선언에서 한국 대통령이 앞으로 북측과 철도로 연결되면 남북이 모두 고속철도를 이용할 수 있다고 함” 북한에 일반 철로도 아니라 고속열차를 깔겠다는 말임.
22. 기존 철로가 워낙
ㅆㅊ이라 고쳐서 깔수있는 상황도 아니라서 새로 깔아야됨. 가장 짧은 구간은 경의선 350km만 깔아도 최소 25조 정도 비용이 나옴.
23. 우리 세금이 빠져나가는 문제 외에 다른 부담도 있음.
24. 현대전은 보급 및 수송의 전쟁임.
25. 현재 북한의 열악한 수송망으로는 휴전선 일대에 쟁여놓은 화력이 소모되면 후방에서 보급이 올라오기 힘듬. 전력이 조루라는 말임.
26. 철도가 현대화되면 북한군의 전쟁수행능력은 급상승하게 됨.
한줄요약. 북한철도 연결 및 현대화는 “어맛! 그러면 서울에서 유럽을 기차로 가는거야~유럽여행 대박이긔!!”정도 문제가 아님. ㅈ댈수 있음. 노잼이지만 걍 올림.
[출처] 북한 철도의 비밀을 Araboja(feat 노잼 주의) / 일베
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풍력 발전이 조류들을 죽이고 있다.
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남녀의 성 차이가 단지 문화에 의해서만 형성된다고 주장하는 사람들의 무지.
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[출처] 북한 철도의 비밀을 Araboja(feat 노잼 주의) / 일베
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문죄인이 유투브의 비판자들을 가짜 뉴스를 만든다는 명목으로 탄압하고 있다. 비판자들을 감방에 쳐넣고도, 한국은 여전히 민주제 국가로 남아 있을 수 있을까? --- 고든 창
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풍력 발전이 조류들을 죽이고 있다.
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평등 사회를 지향한다는 공산주의는 사실은 봉건시대로 회귀하고 있다.
산업혁명 이후 거의 사라졌던 아동 노동이 공산주의를 추구하는 현대의 노예국가 북한에서 성행하고 있다.
The Secret Lives of North Korean Children
By Marian L. Tupy | @HumanProgress
In my beginner’s guide to socialist economics I noted that communism, which was supposed to lead to greater equality, has in fact led to a return of feudalism.
Like feudal societies, communist societies have an aristocracy composed of the communist party members.
Like feudal societies, communist societies have a population of serfs with limited or no rights and little possibility of social mobility.
Like feudal societies, communist societies are held together by brute force.
As if to prove me right, The Daily Mirror, has just released footage from North Korea’s northeast province of Ryanggang, where hundreds of children can be seen breaking and carrying rocks during construction of a local railway.
The children are eight or nine years old and work up to 10 hours a day in the heat of the blazing sun. Neither they nor their parents are compensated for this back-breaking labor.
As the newspaper points out, these are the children of North Korea’s working class. Familiar class stratification has emerged in North Korea, with the communist party and the government employees at the top, and the underclass at the bottom.
The children of the former attend newly-constructed schools and enjoy, as much as they can in the Hermit Kingdom, a semblance of a normal life. The latter are barely surviving in a state of abject poverty and servitude. So much, then, for the communist commitment to equality.
In the Daily Mirror footage:
“In one film … a forlorn lad of around eight or nine, wearing an England football shirt, is ordered to break rocks at a cliff face. Girls pair up as they struggle to lift heavy loads into piles. One young boy winces under the strain of his work. Teachers shielding their faces from the glaring midday sun bark orders at other youngsters bent double from lugging sacks as big as their bodies. Mounds of massive sandstone broken up by the dusty child slaves can be seen piled high.” It is worth noting that child labour was once a completely unobjectionable part of human existence. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, which started in Great Britain in the late 18th century, no society thought twice of eschewing child labour. As Johan Norberg noted in his book Progress, “Prior to the mid-19th century it was common for working-class children to start working from seven years of age.”
It is, therefore, somewhat ironic that child labor should come to be so closely associated with the process of industrialization – a topic well worth exploring in greater depth below.
As the chart above illustrates, people did not write about child labor prior to the 19th century, because working children were so ubiquitous. Prior to industrialization, which massively increased productivity of the farm, there were no food “surpluses.” All of the food that the farm produced was consumed by the peasant families and their beasts of burden.
An idle child or, for that matter, an idle man, woman or donkey, was a waste of precious resources. “The survival of the family demanded that everybody contributed,” writes Norberg.
Bemoaning child labor, in other words, made about as much sense as complaining about a lack of plans for the weekend—since most people worked at least six days a week. It was industrialization that changed all that.
As farm productivity increased, people no longer had to stay on the farm and grow their food. They moved to the cities in search of a better life. At first, living conditions were dire. Medieval cities were not prepared for the influx of millions of people from the countryside. Slums arose and disease spread.
By the mid-19th century, however, living and working conditions started to improve. Economic expansion led to an increased competition for labor and wages grew. That, in turn, enabled more parents to forego their children’s labor and send them to school instead.
It is crucial to remember that it was only after a critical mass of children stopped working that people realized that life without child labor was possible. Legislation limiting child labor got more stringent as the 19th century progressed, but it was not until the Factory and Workshop Act of 1878 that the British Parliament banned labor for children less than 10 years of age and required that all children under 10 receive compulsory education.
Prosperity brought about by trade and industrialization in particular made child labor in the West obsolete.
Over the course of the 20th century, prosperity spread to other parts of the world. Today, child labor in Asia and Latin America are at an all-time low. It remains a problem in Africa, large parts of which remain stuck in the subsistence economy.
It flourishes in North Korea – a modern slave-state that, in the pursuit of communism, has returned its children to an impoverished, servile working class.
This article first appeared in CapX.
Marian L. Tupy is a senior policy analyst at the Cato Institute and editor of HumanProgress.org.
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정부는 국민 다수를 대표하지 않는다
개인이나 기타 집단은 모두 상품 생산이나 서비스 제공으로 소득을 얻지만, 국가만은 강제적 수단으로 그들의 수입을 획득한다.
What the State Is Not
Murray N. Rothbard
[From Anatomy of the State (1974).]
The State is almost universally considered an institution of social service. Some theorists venerate the State as the apotheosis of society; others regard it as an amiable, though often inefficient, organization for achieving social ends; but almost all regard it as a necessary means for achieving the goals of mankind, a means to be ranged against the "private sector" and often winning in this competition of resources. With the rise of democracy, the identification of the State with society has been redoubled, until it is common to hear sentiments expressed which violate virtually every tenet of reason and common sense such as, "we are the government." The useful collective term "we" has enabled an ideological camouflage to be thrown over the reality of political life. If "we are the government," then anything a government does to an individual is not only just and untyrannical but also "voluntary" on the part of the individual concerned. If the government has incurred a huge public debt which must be paid by taxing one group for the benefit of another, this reality of burden is obscured by saying that "we owe it to ourselves"; if the government conscripts a man, or throws him into jail for dissident opinion, then he is "doing it to himself" and, therefore, nothing untoward has occurred. Under this reasoning, any Jews murdered by the Nazi government were not murdered; instead, they must have "committed suicide," since they were the government (which was democratically chosen), and, therefore, anything the government did to them was voluntary on their part. One would not think it necessary to belabor this point, and yet the overwhelming bulk of the people hold this fallacy to a greater or lesser degree.
We must, therefore, emphasize that "we" are not the government; the government is not "us." The government does not in any accurate sense "represent" the majority of the people. But, even if it did, even if 70 percent of the people decided to murder the remaining 30 percent, this would still be murder and would not be voluntary suicide on the part of the slaughtered minority. No organicist metaphor, no irrelevant bromide that "we are all part of one another," must be permitted to obscure this basic fact.
If, then, the State is not "us," if it is not "the human family" getting together to decide mutual problems, if it is not a lodge meeting or country club, what is it? Briefly, the State is that organization in society which attempts to maintain a monopoly of the use of force and violence in a given territorial area; in particular, it is the only organization in society that obtains its revenue not by voluntary contribution or payment for services rendered but by coercion. While other individuals or institutions obtain their income by production of goods and services and by the peaceful and voluntary sale of these goods and services to others, the State obtains its revenue by the use of compulsion; that is, by the use and the threat of the jailhouse and the bayonet. Having used force and violence to obtain its revenue, the State generally goes on to regulate and dictate the other actions of its individual subjects. One would think that simple observation of all States through history and over the globe would be proof enough of this assertion; but the miasma of myth has lain so long over State activity that elaboration is necessary.
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