다 때려치고 이것 하나만 생각해라 정권교체되믄 지들 죽는데 부정선거 안하것냐?...이것 하나만 탙탈탈홍홍홍 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11376407611 작가 김유미는 25일 특별기고 <소설 같은 대한민국>을 통해 “3.9대선에서 정권교체는 없다”며 “내년 3.9대선에서 정권교체를 하겠다는 국민의힘 대선주자들의 말은 모두 사기”라고 단정했다. 그는 “정권교체를 하겠다는 말로 국민을 기만하고 정권교체만 되면 자유대한민국 체제를 유지할 수 있다는 거짓말로 국민을 안심시켜서 저항마저 하지 못하게 막는 사악한 더불어민주당 2중대에 불과하다”면서 “국민의힘이 정권교체를 갈망한다면 4.15부정선거릍 모른 척 할 수 없는 일이다. 수많은 증거에도 불구하고 배지 달았으니 배지 떼기 싫어 외면하는 것”이라고 일갈했다. 그는 또 “그러나 하나만 알고 둘은 모르는 짓”이라며 “21대 총선에서 당선된 103명 중에 22대 총선에서 또다시 부정선거가 일어나면 그때는 50명 당선도 불가능하다는 것을 알아야 한다. 이미 4.15총선에서 부정선거 가능성을 경험한 정권이다. 정권을 내놓으면 모조리 죽는 줄 아는 저들이 쉽게 정권을 내줄리 없다”고 일축했다. 이어 “정권 유지를 위해서는 온갖 수단과 방법을 동원할 것은 불을 보듯 자명하다. 내년 대선에서 일어날 부정선거를 막지 못하면 정권교체는 없다. 몇몇 대선주자가 4.15부정선거에 관심을 보이지만 당 차원의 부정선거에 대한 투쟁이 없는 한 4.15부정선거는 그냥 묻히고 말 것이다. 하물며 이런 국민의힘인데 3.9대선에서의 부정선거에 대한 대비책이 나올 리 만무하다”고 했다. 또 “민경욱 전 의원의 6.28재검표는 그나마 투표용지가 존재하니까 재검표가 가능했다”면서 “그러나 앞으로 있을 부정선거는 투표용지가 존재하지 않는다. 지난 1월 더불당은 전자투표를 실시하는 법률안을 입법 예고했고 언제든지 마음만 먹으면 전자투표를 실시할 수 있도록 만들었다. 전자투표에 의한 투표는 당연히 전자개표로 이어질 것”이라고 지적했다. 아울러 “프로그램을 만들어서 세팅만 하면 0.001%까지 세밀하게 조작이 가능하다. 특히 여론조사기관을 이용한 여론조작과 이것을 언론을 통해 보도된 내용 그대로 오차 없이 개표결과를 만들어내면 누가 시비를 걸겠는가. 4.15부정선거는 예고편에 불가하다. 3.9대선에서의 부정선거는 4.15부정선거와는 질적으로 다르게 기상천외한 방법이 동원된다”고 짚었다. 덧붙여 “그것이 바로 코로나를 이용한 부정선거다. 내년 2월 전국 검사자 수를 15만 명으로 늘이면 감염률 1.7% 감염자가 250명 이상으로 만들어서 방역 5단계로 격상하면 비대면투표, 즉 전자투표를 자연스럽게 시행한다. 이미 방역 4단계를 경험했고 일일감염자 2000명을 경험했다. 언론을 통해 심각성을 선동하면 전자투표를 어느 누가 반대할 수 있을까. 고도로 기획된 부정선거의 시나리오”라고 개탄했다. 그는 “부정선거는 3.9대선에서 끝나지 않는다. 지자체선거와 2024년에 실시될 22대 총선에서도 부정선거는 이어진다. 야당 몫으로 50석 이내로 의석수를 만들어놓고 범여권 250석과 당대당 통합을 하면 1당체제의 ‘독재국가’가 되는 것이다. 50석도 정권에 충성하는 자들로만 세팅하면 당대당 통합도 자연스럽다. 이럴진대 무슨 정권교체를 꿈꾸는가”라고 통탄했다. 또 “정권교체가 안 된다는 것은 자유대한민국이란 체제가 사라지고 사회주의 또는 공산주의 국가로 체제가 바뀐다는 뜻”이라면서 “집회결사의 자유가 사라지고 언론출판의 자유가 사라지며 종교의 자유가 사라진다는 말이다. 토지공개념을 도입해 국가가 토지를 소유하고 사용권만 인민에게 부여할 것이며 사유재산 취득도 마음대로 할 수 없게 된다”고 개탄했다. 아울러 “5호 담당제인 동별 자치위원회가 인민을 감시하고 모든 언론을 국유화가 될 것이며, 모든 대기업도 국영기업이 될 것이다. 국민들 대다수가 꿈을 못 깬다. 이런 줄도 모르는 자들이 국민의힘 대선주자들이다. 누가 있어서 저들의 음모를 막아낼 수 있겠냐”고 물었다. 이어 “4.15부정선거 규명과 함께 향후 일어날 부정선거에 대한 대비책을 강구 할 수 없다면 정권교체는 공염불에 불과하다. 나는 오늘도 침몰하는 대한민국호를 구해줄 영웅을 찾아보지만 전혀 나타나지 않아 애만 태우고 있다”며 “신은 어디에 있는가라고 외쳤다. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 윤석열이 국짐당의 대통 후보가 되었다. 좌파들이 준비한 시나리오대로 일이 전개되고 있다. 윤이나 이나 누가 되던 한국은 계속 좌파 노선을 걷게 되고, 문죄인은 안전하게 여생을 보낼 수 있게 되었다. 단지, 역사에는 우연히 발생한 사건이 큰 폭발력을 가지기도 한다. <일베 댓글> 금도깨비 한새끼는 전과 4범 vs 한새끼는 조작수사 칼춤꾼 ㅋ 개판이구만. 하얀언덕나무 양아치 vs 날라리 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 중국 부동산 붕괴 중 … 대만침공설, 파다! ... 상위 0.1%에 진입하려면 [박훈탁TV] 헝다와 Fantasia에 이어 Kaisa Group Holdings, China AoyuanGroup, Agile Group Holdings, Logan Group; 부동산 개발업체, 80% 주택판매 감소; 온라인, 임박한 전쟁에 대한 추측파다; 국영매체가 전쟁 소문 부채질; 부동산 붕괴의 정치적 파장, 대만침공으로 해결할 수 있을까? https://youtu.be/rIAWYLB8sho ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 조선일보 황교안, 박근혜 대통령에 손편지 보냈다. 가슴 찢어져 --->정말 답답한 세상이다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 조선일보 진실화해위 “가해자 모르면, 국군·경찰 소행으로 쓰세요” 진실위 ‘과거사 피해’ 신청 안내 인권단체, 정근식 위원장 고발 “국군에 희생됐다 해야 1억5000만원 보상” 북한군에 당한 일부 유족, 입장바꿔 신청 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 위드 코로나로 인해서 확진자가 폭증한다. 이것은 우편투표 늘리기 위한 밑밥일 가능성 높다. 대구의 꿀승훈씨는 280만표까지 조작 우려를 예상한다. 윤석열캠프는 걱정은 하나? https://youtu.be/N85L-KTWVQE 달려라 꿀승훈 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 요소수대란이 존나 병신인 이유 eu 가끔드립성공 http://www.ilbe.com/view/11376299922 그냥 단순히 매연 적게 나오라고 넣는건데 국내 경유차 매연 다 합쳐봐야 국내 화력발전소의 매연보다 적고 중국 미세먼지에 비하면 좆도 아님 15년도 이후에 달린 저감장치는 소프트웨어 수정으로 간단히 끌수 있고 저감장치를 통으로 교체하는건 나라에서 보조금 줘서 교체해주면 되자나 매연 조금 더 나오는게 경제 올 스톱보다 훨 낫지. 이 병신 정부는 중국만 바라보면서 형님 형님 요소수 좀 주세요~ 이지랄 하고 있음 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 언론과 빅테크는 어떻게 선거의 통제권을 거머쥐었나 온라인 잡지 <연방주의자, 페더럴리스트>의 편집자 몰리 헤밍웨이가 쓴 2020년 대통령 선거의 문제점 저자는 먼저 2020년 대선 여론조사가 모두 바이든 승리를 점쳤지만, 사실 두 후보의 차이는 미미했고, 바이든은 3개 주에서 겨우 43,000 표 이하로 승리했다. 부정확한 여론조사는 정부와 빅테크가 트럼프의 패배를 확고히 하기 위한 작전의 일부였다. 민주당이 이번 선거에 쓴 전략은 부재자 투표이다. 이로 인해 선거가 약 한달 가량으로 길어졌고, 1억5천9백만 표중에서 무려 1억 표가 사전투표였다. 더구나 부정선거를 적발해야 하는 언론은, 주커버그가 사설 단체에 돈을 기부해 선거 관리원들을 도운 사례가 보여주듯이, 오히려 그것을 조장했다. 더구나 이들 갑부들이 좌파 단체에 거액을 기부함으로써, 이 돈으로 좌파 사조직이 선거를 접수하는 일이 벌어졌다. 또 페이스북, 구글, 트위터 등은 좌파들에게 유리한 정보는 내보내고 불리한 정보는 차단했다. 타임지에는 좌파들의 이런 음모를 다룬 기사도 소개되었다. 타임지 기자 몰리 볼은 이 장막 뒤의 공작이 선거의 모든 부문에 미쳤다고 기록하고 있다. --->한국과 미국에서 거의 유사한 부정선거가 일어났다는 것이 믿기지가 않는다. 한국은 좌파들이 지은 죄가 너무 많아, 죽지 않으려면 무슨 짓이라도 해야 했지만, 미국은 그렇게 절박하지 않았는데 왜 민주당과 언론, 빅테크가 모두 합심해서 트럼프를 쫓아냈을까? 물론 트럼프가 그들에게는 위협적이기는 했는데, 그래도 미국에서 부정선거가 일어날 거라고는 꿈에도 생각 못했다. How Media and Tech Elites Seized Control of Elections David Gordon Rigged! How the Media, Big Tech, and the Democrats Seized Our Elections by Mollie Hemingway Regnery Publishing, 2021, 432 pp. Mollie Hemingway, an editor of the online magazine The Federalist, calls our attention in this well-researched book to a problem of vital significance. She is a supporter of Donald Trump, though not an uncritical one, and writes from this point of view, but whether you like the former president or not, you cannot ignore her message. She begins the book with a paradox. Almost all the polls predicted a decisive win for Biden in the November 2020 presidential election, but in fact the result, setting aside altogether the allegations of rigged voting by the former president and his supporters, was very close: “The political class, the corporate media, and their pollsters were all dramatically wrong, and yet Biden would eke out a presidential victory of just under 43,000 votes across three states, out of a total of nearly 160 million.”(p.36. All page references are to the Amazon Kindle edition.) Why were the polls so inaccurate? One answer would be mistakes in the way in polls were conducted, but Hemingway sees something more sinister in the errors. The inaccurate polls were part of a massive campaign by the government and corporate elite to ensure Trump’s defeat in the election. This campaign continued the efforts by the same elite to secure his defeat in the 2016 election; and, when those efforts failed, to derail his presidency. Hemingway stresses especially one tactic used in both the 2016 and 2020 elections. In previous elections, most voting took place on the appointed day in November, and although some people cast absentee ballots, these were of minor importance. No longer is this the case, and voting by mail now predominates. “’No excuse’ absentee voting allows citizens to cast their ballots early. With the widespread adoption of this practice in recent years, the United States can no longer be said to have an election day in the strict sense of the term. The country has a months-long voting season. . .In 2016, absentee and mail-in ballots accounted for roughly 33 million of the 140 million ballots counted. In 2020, more than 100 million of the 159 million ballots counted were cast prior to Election Day, including by early voting.” (p.222) This is of great significance, Hemingway says, because fraud is much easier with this sort of voting: it is much harder to verify signatures and voters’ addresses. If voting fraud is to be stopped, this requires vigilant election officials, and here is where the mass media elites enter the scene. Far from aiding in efforts to interdict fraud, the elites promote it through subventions to interested parties. Hemingway highlights the role of Mark Zuckerberg, who made large donations to private groups that acted in a partisan way to “help” election officials. “That’s to say nothing of the widespread privatization of election systems in key districts thanks to the efforts of leftist outfits funded by Mark Zuckerberg and other billionaires. Multi-million dollars grants to public election commissions, and the strings attached to them, were the means by which the left’s sprawling voting activist arm took over huge parts of the 2020 election. . .This private interference in the running of a national election had never before happened in the history of the country.” (p.xiii) These efforts to bias election results go hand-in-hand with the attempt by the same elites to control information that reaches the public. The media giants, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Google, relentlessly promoted items unfavorable to Trump and suppressed stories that could have helped him. As an example, damaging news about Hunter Biden and his corrupt dealing with Chinese officials that emerged in the final days of the campaign and was published in the New York Post was banned from Twitter. “Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey would eventually tell Congress and censoring the New York Post and locking it out of its Twitter account was a ‘mistake.’” (p.36) Hemingway’s focus is on the presidential campaign, but the censorship by the statist-corporative elite extends even further. Facebook and YouTube ban videos that criticize Covid-19 vaccinations and advance points of view that the proprietors of the platforms deem “misinformation.” The author is prepared for the objection that her charges of a leftist plot to derail Trump reflect the biased perspective of a partisan. In response, she points to a notable article in Time magazine in which those involved in the machinations admitted and took pride in what they had done. “Without agony or shame the magazine reported that ‘[t]there was a conspiracy unfolding behind the scenes’ creating ‘an extraordinary shadow effort’ by ‘a well-funded cabal of powerful people’ to oppose Trump. Corporate CEOs, organized labor, left-wing activists, and Democrats all worked together in secret to secure a Biden victory. . . Time would, of course, disingenuously frame this effort as an attempt to oppose Trump’s ‘assault on democracy,’ even as Time reporter Molly Ball noted this shadow campaign ‘touched every aspect of the election. They got states to change voting systems and laws and helped secure hundreds of millions in public and private funding.’ The funding enabled the country’s sudden rush to mail-in balloting, which Ball describes as ‘a revolution in how people vote.’” (p.36) What if anything can be done about this state of affairs? I do not think the solution lies mainly in stricter laws about voting and certainly not in governmental regulation of the mass media, which would only increase the power of the state. Rather. our aim ought not to be to make democracy “work better” but to use the example of corruption she has highlighted as a tool to help us throw into question altogether its value as a political and social system of organization, and defend in its stead a genuine free market society, along the lines set forward by Murray Rothbard and his followers, who include most notably Hans Hoppe. Hemingway is an assiduous researcher and, so far as I can discern, an accurate one. To my regret, I have been able to find only one outright error in the book. She says, “Five U.S, presidents since 1900 lost their bid for a second term. . . While each election is determined by unique factors, all five of these incumbents dealt with internal party fights or significant primary challenges. “(p.39) This is not true for Herbert Hoover, one of the five she mentions, who did not get significant Republican Party opposition in his quest for the 1932 nomination. By calling attention to what has happened to or political system in recent years, Mollie Hemingway strengthens our resolve to come up with something better. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 막스가 말하는 소외의 기원 막스가 말하는 “소외”는 20세기 좌파 인텔리들이 들먹이는 그런 의미가 아니다. 막스에게 소외란 화폐, 전문화, 분업 등의 제도를 뜻했다. 이런 “악”을 제거해야만 인간이 자아와 결합해 그의 내부에 갇혀 있는 자아와 인간의 분열을 치료할 수 있다는 것이다. 신과 하나였던 인간이 신과 분리되어 변증법적인 발전을 하다 다시 신과 결합하면 역사가 끝난다는 게 창조학creatology의 관점이다. 기독교에서 신으로부터 인간의 소외는 아담의 타락으로 인해 초래되었으므로 도덕적인 것이지, 형이상학적인 일이 아니다. 그런데 플로티누스에서 시작된 변증법적인 신학에서는 각 개인에게 스스로를 파괴하고 신과 결합해야 한다고 요구한다. 17세기 초 독일 신비주의 사상가 야콥 뵘Jakob Böhme은 우주 창조 이전에 영원한 단일체가 있었는데, 이 안에는 자아 실현을 위한 충동이 있었다고 한다. 이 충동이 초월적이고 서로를 상극하는 힘을 만들어 우주를 만들었고, 태초의 무를 유로 바꾸었다는 것이다. Marx and Alienation Murray N. Rothbard "Alienation," to Marx, bears no relation to the fashionable prattle of late-20th-century Marxoid intellectuals. It did not mean a psychological feeling, of anxiety or estrangement, which could somehow be blamed on capitalism, or on cultural or sexual "repression." Alienation, for Marx, was far more fundamental, more cosmic. It meant, at the very least, as we have seen, the institutions of money, specialization, and the division of labor.1 The eradication of these evils was necessary to unite the collective organism or species man "to himself," to heal these splits within "himself" and between man and "himself" in the form of man-created nature. But the radical evil of alienation was yet far more cosmic than that. It was metaphysical, a deep part of the philosophy and the world-view that Marx picked up from Hegel, and which, through its allied "dialectic," brought to Marx the outlines of the engine that would inevitably bring us communism as a law of history, with the ineluctability of a law of nature. It all started with the 3rd-century philosopher Plotinus, a Platonist philosopher and his followers, and with a theological discipline seemingly remote from political and economic affairs: creatology, the "science" of the First Days. We have already seen, in fact, that another allied and almost equally remote branch of theology—eschatology, or the science of the Last Days—can have enormous political and economic consequences and ramifications. The critical question of creatology is, Why did God create the universe? The answer of orthodox Augustinian Christianity, and hence the answer of Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists alike, is that God, a perfect being, created the universe out of benevolence and love for his creatures. Period. And this seems to be the only politically safe answer as well. The answer given by heretics and mystics from early Christians on, however, is quite different: God created the universe not out of perfection and love, but out of felt need and imperfection. In short, God created the universe out of felt uneasiness, loneliness, or whatever. In the beginning, before the creation of the universe, God and man (the collective organic species, of course, not any particular individual), were united in one, so to speak, cosmic blob. How we can even speak of "unity" between man and God before man was even created is a conundrum that will have to be cleared up by someone more schooled in the divine mysteries than the present author. At any rate, history then becomes a process, indeed a pre-ordained process, by which God develops his potential, and man the collective species develops its (or his?) potential. But even as this development takes place, and both God and man develop and render themselves more perfect in and through history, offsetting this "good" development a terrible and tragic thing has also taken place: man has been separated, cut off, "alienated" from God, as well as from other men, or from nature. Hence the pervasive concept of alienation. Alienation is cosmic, irremediable, and metaphysical, inherent in the very process of creation, or rather, irremediable until the great day inevitably arrives: when man and God, having both fully developed themselves, finish the process and history itself by remerging, by uniting once again in the merger of these two great cosmic blobs into one. Note, first, how this great historical process comes about. It is the inevitable, pre-ordained "dialectical" process of history. There are, as usual, three stages. Stage one is the original phase: man and God are in happy and harmonious unity (a unity of pre-creation?), but things, particularly with the human race, are rather undeveloped. Then, the magic dialectic does its work, stage two occurs, and God creates man and the universe, both God and man developing their potentials, with history a record and a process of such development. But creation, as in most dialectics, proves to be a two-edged sword, for man suffers from his cosmic separation and alienation from God. For Plotinus, for example, the Good is unity, or The One, whereas Evil is identified as any sort of diversity or multiplicity. In mankind, evil stems from self-centeredness of individual souls, "deserter[s] from the All." But then, finally, at long last, the development process will be completed, and stage two develops its own Aufhebung, its own "lifting up," its own transcendence into its opposite or negation: the reunion of God and man into a glorious unity, an "ecstasy of union," and end to alienation. In this stage three, the blobs are reunited on a far higher level than in stage one. History is over. And they shall all live(?) happily ever after. But note the enormous difference between this dialectic of creatology and eschatology, and that of the orthodox Christian scenario. In the first place, the alienation, the tragedy of man in the dialectical saga from Plotinus to Hegel, is metaphysical, inescapable from the act of creation itself. Whereas the estrangement of man from God in the Judeo-Christian saga is not metaphysical but only moral. To orthodox Christians, creation was purely good, and not deeply tainted with evil; trouble came only with Adam's fall, a moral failure not a metaphysical one.2 Then, in the orthodox Christian view, through the Incarnation of Jesus, God provided a route by which this alienation could be eliminated, and the individual could achieve salvation. But note again: Christianity is a deeply individualistic creed, since each individual's salvation is what matters. Salvation or the lack of it will be attained by each individual, each individual's fate is the central concern, not the fate of the alleged collective blob or organism, man with a capital M. In the orthodox Christian schema, each individual goes to heaven or hell. But in this allegedly optimistic mystical view (nowadays called "process theology"), the only salvation, the only happy ending is that of the collective organism, the species, with each individual member of that organism being brusquely annihilated along the way. This dialectical theology, in particular its creatology, began in full flower with the Plotinus-influenced 9th-century Christian mystic John Scotus Erigena (c. 815–c. 877), an Irish-Scottish philosopher located in France, and continued through a heretical underground of Christian mystics, in particular such as the 14th-century German, Meister Johannes Eckhart (?1260–?1327). The pantheistic outlook of the mystics was similar to the call of the Buddhist-theosophist-socialist Mrs Annie Besant: as Chesterton perceptively and wittily noted, not to love our neighbor but to be our neighbor. Pantheist mystics call upon each individual to "unite" with God, the One, by annihilating his individual, separated, and therefore alienated self. While the means of various mystics may differ from the Joachites, or the Brethren of the Free Spirit, whether through a process of history or through an inevitable Armageddon, the goal remains the same: obliteration of the individual through "reunion" with God, the One, and the ending of cosmic "alienation," at least on the level of each individual. Particularly influential for G.W.F. Hegel and other thinkers in this tradition was the early-17th-century German cobbler and mystic Jakob Böhme (1575–1624), who added to this heady pantheistic brew the alleged mechanism, the force that drives this dialectic through its inevitable course in history. How, Böhme asked, did the world of pre-creation transcend itself into creation? Before creation, he answered, there was a primal source, an eternal unity, an undifferentiated, indistinct, literal Nothing (Ungrund). (It was, by the way, typical of Hegel and his Idealist followers to think that they add grandeur and explanation to a lofty but unintelligible concept by capitalizing it.) Oddly enough, to Böhme, this No-thing possessed within itself an inner striving, a nisus, a drive for self-realization. It is this drive which creates a transcending and opposing force, the will, which creates the universe, transforming the Nothing into Something. This article is excerpted from chapter 11 of volume 2 of An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought (1995). An MP3 audio file of this chapter, narrated by Jeff Riggenbach, is available for download. 1.On alienation in Marx as rooted in exchange and the division of labor, and not simply in the capitalist wage-relation, see Paul Craig Roberts, Alienation and the Soviet Economy (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1971); and Paul Craig Roberts and Matthew A. Stephenson, Marx's Theory of Exchange, Alienation, and Crisis (2nd ed., New York: Praeger, 1983). 2.In extreme variants, such as the gnostic heretics of the early Christian era, the creation of matter was itself pure evil, an act by the Devil, or Demiurge, with spirit remaining divine. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------