만일에 권성동 법사위원장, 국회의장단, 각당 대표, 간사들이 고의적으로 이런 섞어찌개 탄핵사유와 섞어찌개 표결안을 만들어 무고한 박근혜 대통령을 탄핵하여 쫓아내려고 2016. 12. 9. 국회탄핵 소추안을 의결한 것이라면 이들은 동료 의원들을 속이고, 헌법재판소를 속이고, 국민을 속인 것입니다.
만일 저들이 무고한 박근혜 대통령을 쫓아내고 조기선거로 정권을 잡기 위해 이런 사기극을 벌였다면 이는 단순한 사기죄가 아니라 주권자인 국민을 속이고 권력을 독점하려는 그야말로 국정농단의 대역죄인들이 아닐까요?
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김철홍 장신대 교수
“대한민국은 이미 오래전에 內戰의 상황으로 들어갔다. 현재의 좌우대립은 대한민국 건국을 전후로 한 시기의 좌우대립을 이미 넘어섰다. 내가 보기에 지금 대한민국의 상황은 거의 6.25 직전의 상황과 매우 유사하다.
한 가지 차이가 있다면 그 때는 공화국(북한)에 핵무기가 없었는데 지금은 있다는 것이다...(중략) 불가피하게 총을 집어 들어야 하는 상황이 절대로 오지 않기를 바라지만 남과 북이 총을 들고 대치하고 있는 상황에서 그럴 수 있을까? 의문이다.”
“지금 중립, 중립하는 사람들이 있는데 그 분들에게 드릴 말은 ‘중립은 개나 줘라’ 입니다”
원래 공산 세력으로부터 자유민주주의를 지키려면 경찰, 검찰, 안기부 같은 정보기관이 국가 안보의 최전선에서 이들과 싸워야 합니다. 그래야 저 같은 사람이 마음 놓고 바울신학을 가르치면서 살 수 있습니다. 그런데 지금 어떻게 되었습니까? 이 세 가지 조직이 무력화되었을 뿐만 아니라, 종북 세력이 이미 침투하여 활약하고 있다고 보입니다. --21일 자유경제원 초청 강연에서
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이 사건은 고영태 일당이 기획, 폭로한 것이라기 보다는, 그들의 폭로를 이용해 더불어민주당의 조응천이 주도해 내란을 일으킨 것이라고 보아야 한다. 그리고 조응천의 고향 후배이자 대학 후배인 노승권 검사가 이 사건의 검찰내 협력자이다. 여소야대의 상황에서 문제가 생기면 민주당에서 보호해 주겠다는 약속을 받고, 노승권이 이 사건에 협력한 것으로 보인다.
지검장인 이영렬 역시 조응천과 서울대 법대 동문이고, 같은 사법연수원 18기이다. 조응천이 이영렬보다 나이가 5살 아래지만 연수원은 같은 기수이다. 아마도 조응천과 민주당이 당근과 채찍으로 그를 어르고 달래서 쿠데타 세력에 합류시켰을 것이다.
김수남 총장은 민주당의 협박에 겁을 먹고 아무 말도 못하고 있다고 보아야 한다.
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지금 헌재에 모든 국민의 눈과 귀가 몰려 있다. 일이 이렇게 된 이유는 이번 민주당 주도의 쿠데타가 합법을 가장했기 때문이다. 내가 나의 책 <촛불 난동은 더불어민주당 주도의 쿠데타였다>에서 썼듯이, 이번 쿠데타는 스텔스 쿠데타이다. 즉 좌파 쿠데타가 일어났는데, 국민이 그것을 모르고 있는 웃기는(?) 상황이다.
그 이유는 군대가 출동하지 않고, 언론과 검찰과 법원 그리고 국회의 반(反)대한민국 세력, 반(反)박근혜 대통령 세력이 연합해서, 합법을 가장한 쿠데타를 일으켰기 때문이다. 그래서 조갑제 같은 대(大)기자조차도 이번 사태를 언론의 난이라고 착각하고 있다.
하여튼 좌파들은 헌재를 통해 스텔스 쿠데타를 완성하려고 했는데, 그 과정에서 국민들의 거대한 저항에 부딪쳐 어찌할 바를 모르고 있는 것이다. 만일 탄핵이 인용되다면 내전을 각오해야 하고, 그와 반대로 탄핵이 기각당한다면, 그들은 법적인 책임에서 벗어날 길이 없는 것이다. 이것이 지금 좌파들의 딜레마이다.
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대한민국이 백척간두의 위기에 처했다.
모두 일어나 싸우자!
군(軍)은 개정은에게 경례할 텐가?
총을 들고 종북좌파 무찌르자!
(내가 만든 구호)
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좌파들의 정치적 올바름(PC)을 법으로 만들어, 우파 시민들의 자유를 통제하겠다는 의도.
광기와 패 가르기 그리고 선전선동이 난무하는 광장에서 쫓겨났으면, 그게 바로 정상적인
뉴스라는 증거이다. 광장의 광기(狂氣)에 이성을 잃고 미치광이 춤을 추고 싶으면, 사표 쓰고 거리로 나서라.
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보티첼리의 프리마베라. 만물이 소생하는 봄과 함께 대한민국이 재생하기를 기원한다.
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인간의 신체는 환경에 대처하는 위기 관리 시스템으로, 일반적인 사건보다는 극단적인 사건에 유의하고, 불균형하게 이들로부터 학습한다.
수 백 대의 차를 그 위로 운행해도 다리의 강도를 알아낼 수는 없다. 기술자는 그보다 수 톤의 차량들을 운행해서, 다리의 강도를 측정한다.
이론은 만들어졌다 사라지지만, 현상학은 남는다.
Nassim Nicholas Taleb
Nov 6, 2016
Strength Training is Learning from Tail Events
Indeed, our body should be seen a risk management system meant to handle our environment, paying more attention to extremes than ordinary events, and disproportionally learning from these.
You will never get an idea of the strength of a bridge by driving several hundred cars on it, making sure they are all of different colors and makes, which would correspond to representative traffic. No, an engineer would subject it instead to a few multi-ton vehicles. You may not thus map all the risks, as heavy trucks will not show material fatigue, but you can get a solid picture of the overall safety.
Likewise, to train pilots, we make pilots learn from storms, difficult landings, and intricate situations — again, from the tails.
I learned that what you do for training needs to be separate from what you do for pleasure. I enjoy hiking, walking, ocean swimming, riding my bicycle, that sort of things; but I have no illusion that these activities will make me stronger. They may be necessary, but for other reasons than the attainment of strength. I just consider walking necessary therapy, like sleeping.
The first thing one learns about complex systems is that they are not a sum of body parts: a system is a collection of interactions, not an addition of individual responses. Your body cannot be trained with specific and local muscle exercises. When you try to lift a heavy object, you recruit every muscle in your body, though some more than others. The heavier the weight, that is, the more in the tails, the higher number of muscles involved. You also produce a variety of opaque interactions between these fibers.
In a line of research pioneered by Gerard Karsenty and his colleagues, the skeleton with its few hundred bones has been shown to be endocrine apparatus, regulating blood sugar, fertility, muscle growth, and even memory.
But we are quite certain that while theories come and go, the phenomenologies stay; in other words, that in two thousand years the method of whole-body workout in the tails will still work, though the interpretation and “scientific” spin will change — just as two thousand five hundred years ago, Milo of Croton carried an ox on his shoulders and got stronger as the ox grew. (발췌)
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Trump’s China Policy Is a Paper Tiger (포린 폴리시)
By Michael H. Fuchs
February 22, 2017
취임하기 전 트럼프는 중국이 미국과의 무역에서 너무 많은 이익을 얻고 있으며, 북한 문제도 협조해 주지 않는다며 중국을 비판했다. 하지만 취임 후에 얼마 후에, 트럼프는 결국 “하나의 중국 정책”을 확인해 주어야 했고, 그럼으로써 큰소리 쳤던 미국이 종이 호랑이로 전락했다고 말하고 있다.
하지만 아직은 그렇게 판단하기에 아직 이른 느낌이다. 좀 더 지켜보아야 한다.
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좌파 인권 활동가들이 벌이는
허위와 위선의 짓거리들
Saving the World, One Meaningless Buzzword at a Time
How corporations, activists, and politicians turned the language of human rights into meaningless babble.
By Michael Hobbes
“Since the Industrial Revolution,” he says, “companies have been held responsible for an expanding circle of impacts. Child labor, worker housing, environmental pollution, health and safety, overseas corruption, they’re all things that companies used to say weren’t their problem. And now they are.”
The circle keeps expanding. Soda companies are the target of campaigns to tax their products and pay for anti-obesity programs. Apparel companies, now that they’ve started auditing their factories and reporting their supply chains, are under pressure to buy cotton from countries without child labor. Jewelry companies and cellphone manufacturers have to certify that their raw materials don’t come from conflict zones. Yesterday you traded business cards with a guy who works for a big pension fund in Northern Europe. His job is to check their investments to make sure they’re “climate-sensitive.”
“Every time the circle expands,” Steven says, “the world gets a little bit better.”
“What’s the cynical narrative?” you ask.
“Look around,” he says. “It’s the same companies, year after year.”
He’s right. You go to enough of these things and you start to see the same faces. The corporate citizenship guy for Shell is down on the grass, chatting to a former head of state. The De Beers lady, the one who raises her hand in all the side sessions every year and tells the room about Botswana, is typing into her Blackberry. The water guys from Nestlé and Coca-Cola are jingling their coins in their pockets as they wait in line for paninis. One of your colleagues calls it “human rights prom.”
This is why it’s so easy to feel triumphant, to congratulate yourself, to applaud all the effort that brought these people into these rooms.
“With these companies,” Steven says, “we’ve won.”
This is what your field has achieved, the outcome of all those consumer campaigns 20 years ago. You’ve created a class of companies that audit their factories, that retweet NGO reports and that say, and even, with enough cajoling, do, some of the right things on social responsibility.
This allows you, an NGO person, cozy in your argyle, to tell yourself that you have changed the world. These companies are here, eager to shake your hand and give you their sustainability report and join you in complaining about the coffee. You shake hands back, give them your own annual report, joke that that the UN cafeteria is a violation of your right to food.
“But as soon as one of these companies stops making the world a shittier place,” Steven says, “three others start.”
The companies here, the ones that are scared of you, are just a tiny sliver of the global economy, a few billion in revenue, a few hundred thousand workers.
Most of the world, after all, is not companies you’ve heard of. There are no state-owned enterprises here, no business-to-business firms, no steel smelters or brandless megasuppliers. The companies here, the ones that are scared of you, are just a tiny sliver of the global economy, a few billion in revenue, a few hundred thousand workers. The rest of it is firms no one knows, that no one is watching, that do not produce marketing messages that can be turned against them.
“The biggest companies now,” Steven says, “are based in Brazil or China or South Africa. And there’s nothing we can do about them.”
“What are you even doing here?” you ask.
“Networking,” he says.
You go back inside, your heels echoing on the marble, then silent on the carpet, as you join one of the final sessions. It’s about halfway finished, everyone sitting with their little earpieces on, the speaker leaned into his microphone. You think you can make out the word “Bangladesh.” You sit down, grab the earpiece, turn the speaker to English. But it’s broken, no sound comes out.
You fiddle with it for a few seconds, trying to get it to work. Then you give up, put it back on the desk in front of you, lean back, and listen to the fluorescent lights. (발췌)
All the names and identifying details of individuals and companies in this story have been changed.
Michael Hobbes was a human rights consultant from 2006 to 2016. He’s now a contributing editor and producer at Highline.
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재생 에너지 정책은 지구 온난화를 더 악화시킨다.
New Scientist
The EU’s renewable energy policy is making global warming worse
Overall, burning wood for energy is much worse in climate terms than burning gas or even coal, but loopholes in the way emissions are counted are concealing the damage being done.
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서구의 다문화주의는 서구 문화를 파괴하고 끝내는 서구 문명을 파괴할 것이다.
Sweden: Hate Speech Just for Imams
by Judith Bergman
February 22, 2017 at 5:00 am
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/9923/sweden-islam-hate-speech
◾In Sweden, comments that object to sexual violence against women in the Quran are prosecuted, but calling homosexuality a "virus" is fine.
◾Antisemitism has become so socially acceptable in Sweden that anti-Semites can get away with anything, and no one even notices, as Nima Gholam Ali Pour reports.
◾One of Sweden's main news outlets, in fact, described anti-Semitism as simply a different opinion. Clearly, in the eyes of Swedish authorities, neither homosexuals nor Jews count for much.
◾Swedish authorities also give large sums of money to organizations that advocate violence and invite hate preachers who support terrorist organizations such as ISIS. One of the speakers SFM hired was Michael Skråmo, who has publicly called on his fellow Muslims to join ISIS and has appeared in propaganda videos, posing with assault rifles alongside his small children.
(발췌)
Judith Bergman is a writer, columnist, lawyer and political analyst.
Michael Skråmo, a Swedish convert and ISIS jihadist, brought his family to Syria. He has also urged Muslims in Sweden to bomb their workplaces.
스웨던 개종자, ISIS 지하디스트, 가족을 시리아로 데려갔으며, 자국의 무슬림들에게 그들의 직장을 폭파하라고 촉구했다.
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대만이 현금과의 전쟁에 참가했다. 대만 당국에 따르면, 앞으로 집이나 자동차, 보석 등 고가의 물건을 살 때는, 현금을 사용할 수가 없다.
Taiwan Joins Global War On Cash: Plans To Ban Purchases Of Houses, Cars, & Jewelry
Tyler Durden
Feb 22, 2017 8:55 PM
It would appear Taiwan is joining the rest of the world in this war on cash. There are three major players involved in the war on cash:
1. The Initiators
Who? Governments, central banks.
Why? The elimination of cash will make it easier to track all types of transactions – including those made by criminals.
2. The Enemy
Who? Criminals, terrorists
Why? Large denominations of bank notes make illegal transactions easier to perform, and increase anonymity.
3. The Crossfire
Who? Citizens
Why? The coercive elimination of physical cash will have potential repercussions on the economy and social liberties.
The shots fired by governments to fight its war on cash may have several unintended casualties:
1. Privacy
◦Cashless transactions would always include some intermediary or third-party.
◦Increased government access to personal transactions and records.
◦Certain types of transactions (gambling, etc.) could be barred or frozen by governments.
◦Decentralized cryptocurrency could be an alternative for such transactions
2. Savings
◦Savers could no longer have the individual freedom to store wealth “outside” of the system.
◦Eliminating cash makes negative interest rates (NIRP) a feasible option for policymakers.
◦A cashless society also means all savers would be “on the hook” for bank bail-in scenarios.
◦Savers would have limited abilities to react to extreme monetary events like deflation or inflation.
3. Human Rights
◦Rapid demonetization has violated people’s rights to life and food.
◦In India, removing the 500 and 1,000 rupee notes has caused multiple human tragedies, including patients being denied treatment and people not being able to afford food.
◦Demonetization also hurts people and small businesses that make their livelihoods in the informal sectors of the economy.
4. Cybersecurity
◦With all wealth stored digitally, the potential risk and impact of cybercrime increases.
◦Hacking or identity theft could destroy people’s entire life savings.
◦The cost of online data breaches is already expected to reach $2.1 trillion by 2019, according to Juniper Research.
This issue has expanded more quickly than we’d anticipated. Clearly, the governments that are forcing it into being are running out of time. There can only be one reason why they’d rush a programme that normally would be given more time for people to accept, and that’s that they see a crash coming before they can get Phase II of the programme underway. (발췌)
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