김철홍 장로회신학대학교 교수의 말

 

현재의 탄핵정국은 80년 광주 사태로부터 이어져 온 친북세력의 공산국가 수립 시도이다.

 

한국은 현재 내전 중이며, 내부의 적이 양산된 계기는 80년 광주 사태다.

 

80년대 이후 대학과 노동운동을 중심을 공산주의 이론을 학습하여 신봉하는 자생적 공산주의자들과 그들에게 동조하는 세력이 30년 동안 끊임없이 만들어졌다. 이들이 현재 우리 사회를 전복하려 하고 있고 이것이 바로 지금 일어나고 있는 대통령 탄핵 사태의 역사적 배경이다.

 

나 역시 촛불 난동이 시작된 이후 그것이 북한과 연계된 사건이라고 느꼈다. 하지만 가장 직접적인 촛불 난동의 원인은 송민순 장관의 회고록 출판이다. 그로 인해 문죄인의 여적죄 혐의가 짙어지자, 조응천이 좌티비씨에 자료를 넘겨주고, 사건을 일으켰다는 게 나의 추측이다. 그런데 청와대가 거기에 순진하게도 '최순실에게 연설 원고를 보여주었다'는 고백을 함으로써, 그들의 프레임에 걸려들었고, 이후로 대통령은 최순실 프레임에서 빠져나오지 못하고, 정치적으로 사망한 것이다.

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요즘 고영태가 최순실을 협박한 녹취록이 주목 받으면서, 이 사건의 주범이 마치 고영태인 것처럼 말하는 사람들이 있다. 하지만 고영태는 이번 사건의 단역 배우에 지나지 않는다. 이번 사건은 내가 책 <촛불 난동은 더불어민주당 주도의 쿠데타였다>(위퍼블 출판) 에서 밝혔듯이, 민주당이 주도한 것이고, 국회 쿠데타였다. 조응천이 이 사건의 주요 기획자이고, 거기에 좌티비씨와 기타 언론사들이 참가했으며, 나중에는 검찰까지도 엮여들어갔다. 이것은 민주당이라는 거대한 조직이 없으면 불가능한 일이다. 사건 초기에 각지에서 시국선언이라는 것을 했는데, 그게 민주당과 기존의 좌파 조직 없이는 이루어질 수 없는 일이다. 그리고 촛불 난동에 동원된 사람들 역시 기존의 세월호와 광우병 난동의 조직이 그대로 투입되었다. 그들과 가장 긴밀하게 관계를 맺고 있는 정당이 바로 더불어민주당이다.

 

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중국이 남중국해의 바위섬에 군사 기지를 건설하고, 자국의 영토임을 선언하고 있지만, 미국이 중국과 전쟁을 한다면, 중국은 내란이 발생하고, 세계 경제는 커다란 침체에 빠질 거라는 경고이다. 결국 미국은 중국의 불법을 바라만 보고 있어야 한다는 결론이 되고 말았다.

 

Unprecedented Moves Towards War With China Would “Upend Supply Routes, Trigger Global Recession”

 

Mac Slavo

February 9th, 2017

SHTFplan.com

 

 

London Independent:

 

China has accused Donald Trump’s administration of putting regional stability in East Asia at risk following remarks by the President’s defense secretary that a U.S. commitment to defend Japanese territory applies to an island group that China claims.

 

[…]

 

Widespread alarm over how the region could shape geopolitical tensions was raised following the revelation that Steve Bannon, the chief strategist in Trump’s White House, said he believed the US would go to war with China within five to 10 years during a radio broadcast in 2016.

 

 

AFR.com:

 

[Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi] insisted the US and China relationship had defied all kinds of difficulties in the past 40 years …

 

“Any sober minded politician will recognise that there can not be conflict between China and the United States,” Mr Wang told reporters in Canberra. “Both will lose and both sides cannot afford that.”

 

[…]

 

Mr Wang’s comments, after lengthy talks with Foreign Minister Julie Bishop in Canberra on Tuesday, follow a period of aggressive rhetoric during which new US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson threatened to stop Chinese activities on reclaimed islands in the South China Sea.

 

Experts have told The Independent they believe such a conflict would be catastrophic… The United States would likely win […] but even a conventional military victory would be a strategic disaster. It would set off a global economic crisis and create a potential power vacuum inside defeated China “the like of which we can’t imagine”.

 

“It would, of course, totally upend supply routes, however, and probably cause a global recession. So it would, no matter who won in terms of military outcomes, be lose-lose and cut against the logic of self interest of both the US and China.”

 

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Healthcare Is Not Immune to the Laws of Economics

 

•Jonathan Newman

 

 

Amy and Bob Want To Help Charlie

 

Consider an economy of three people: Amy, Bob, and Charlie. Amy has $100 to her name, Bob has $50, and Charlie only has $5. Amy and Bob don’t like how Charlie isn’t able to pay for some items they consider necessary to live a decent life. Amy would like to give $25 to help Charlie, and Bob would like to give $10. Charlie, of course, is happy to receive any help.

 

Now consider two ways of distributing the funds to help Charlie: one democratic method and one voluntary method. A democratic method would involve the three voting on a standardized distribution scheme, meaning one person may end up having to give more than they desire or less than they desire. Of course, any difference in the latter case can be made up with voluntary, private giving which is still legal. The three must also pay for the ballot box and the forms for income reporting, among other bureaucratic fees. Amy, who is put in charge of the process, is also paid to manage the whole ordeal.

 

In the end, the actual amount that ends up in Charlie’s hands is less than what Amy and Bob originally wanted Charlie to receive, and, adding insult to injury, someone may have been forced to give more than they wanted, meaning they are worse off. The best case scenario for this democratic method would involve a law that forces people to give exactly as much as they would give voluntarily. But even in this unlikely case (especially once expanding it to a population of 300+ million people), extra funds are still required to go through the voting and redistribution process.

 

In the voluntary giving method, Charlie directly receives exactly as much as each individual cares to give. Even if Amy decides to set up a charity organization that specializes in getting funds to Charlie, Bob can decide whether or not it is effective in helping Charlie and decide how to give his $10 accordingly.

 

What this means is that we do not need political “solutions” to any problem involving resource allocation. Nobody likes starvation, illiteracy, or untreated medical ailments. To the extent that we dislike these, we give out of our own abundance, and the especially generous can go even further.

 

The government can only disrupt this process by crowding out charitable giving and serving as an inefficient middleman. The best-case scenario for Sanders’s plan is one that is worse than what would exist without a single government intervention in health care.  (발췌, 출처: mises.org)

 

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The Illusions of Hedonics

 

07/29/2005•Antony P. Mueller

 

 

The term “hedonics” is derived from ancient Greek and basically means “pleasure doctrine”. It is also the doctrine which the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) applies when calculating the price indices and for the computation of the real gross domestic product and of productivity.1 The idea behind hedonic price index calculation is to incorporate quality changes into prices. This way, a product may be on the market at a higher price, but when the product qualities have augmented more than the price in the eyes of the BLS, it will calculate that the price of this product has actually fallen.

 

Applying the hedonic technique to a host of goods and services means that even when prices were generally rising, but product improvement are deemed to be larger than the price increases, the calculated inflation rate will fall. With a lower inflation rate, the transformation of nominal gross domestic product (GDP) into real GDP will render a higher result. Likewise, given a constant labor input, productivity will increase. Hedonics opens the door to producing magical results: a lower inflation rate with generally rising prices, a higher growth rate although the economy may be weaker, and a higher productivity number, although productivity would have been declining without the hedonic imputations.

 

The BLS felt compelled to incorporate “quality changes” into its calculation of the price statistics in the second half of the 1990s when many new and modified goods and services appeared on the market and studies were launched that suggested that the conventional statistics overestimates the “true inflation rate." 2

 

With hedonics, the BLS wants to introduce more “objectivity” into the calculation of price changes, but it needs a human being to determine quality in the first place. Not any new gadget can go through as an improvement of the product. Before determining its inflationary or deflationary price change, there must be a BLS official who has to ponder the problem of whether this new or modified good or service really provides more or less “pleasure” to the user than the chosen reference product.

 

A product, like a refrigerator, for example, is not just a refrigerator in the view of the BLS. Contrary to the act of use and consumption by the individual and contrary to the fact that one normally buys the whole product and not only a few parts, the BLS calculates price changes on the basis that the refrigerator or a certain TV set or a CD player consist of various different parts or product features.

 

While the BLS avoids claiming to know exactly how to calculate the pleasure that the whole product renders, the Bureau maintains that it is in a position to determine whether the electrical generator in the fridge has improved or not. This improvement then gets compared with a reference element of the product, as it was earlier on the market. Depending on what the expert decides, the overall product receives a new price from the BLS that is different from the market price of the product.

 

Quality, so the BLS determined, has many aspects. For this purpose they run a so-called hedonic regression through their computers. Whatever the type of regression that gets applied in order to calculate the “true price”, first of all an official from the BLS must determine whether a certain feature constitutes a quality change or not. Ludwig von Mises observed this problem long ago:

 

“All methods suggested for a measurement of the changes in the monetary unit’s purchasing power are more or less unwittingly founded on the illusory image of an eternal and immutable being who determines by the application of an immutable standard the quantity of satisfaction which a unit of money conveys to him. It is a poor justification of this ill-thought idea that what is wanted is merely to measure changes in the purchasing power of money.”3

 

The company, which offers the new or modified product, will be happy to say that there is an improvement, and the technicians, who developed the product, will be eager to provide exact calculations of this quality change. However, how many technical improvements are being offered every day and there is no market for them? How many inventors have patents that are registered but there are only a few or no buyers at all for the product? The crucial point here is that only pseudo-standards are available for evaluation, the assessment of the utility of a product is subjective and individual, and for the individual himself, the standards of evaluation change according to the specific situation.

 

It is quite obvious that hedonic imputations open the way to all kinds of manipulation. Given the implicit pressure that governments and central banks want to hear low inflation rates to be reported, due delivery would suggest to search mainly for quality improvements, and to calculate these even when they are of a dubious nature.

 

The impact of the techniques that get applied by the BLS reaches far beyond pure price statistics. The indices are not only used as indicators of price inflation, but with the price indices the statistician holds also the key in his hands to a series of other prominent economic figures. In order to calculate productivity, real output, real input, and real investment and their changes, one needs a deflator, and a deflator is derived from the price index.

 

Given a certain nominal GDP (in dollars or any other currency unit), the number for the deflator determines the size of real GDP and its real growth rate. If the measured inflation rate is low, the real GDP will be higher and vice versa, and along with that one also gets higher or lower numbers for productivity changes.

 

Determining price changes for a modern economy characterized by the modification of products, the emergence of new product, and a high share of services, the calculation of the price index and thus of real economic growth and a series of other indicators becomes a dubious statistical construct. Different assumptions and techniques bring about dramatic changes of results.

 

Most of what appears like an objective standard of measurement in economic statistics is a deeply flawed endeavor to measure the non-measurable. As the price statistician must admit, there is no meaningful way to measure the “price level”. At best, it is changes of the price level that can be constructed. But even with these changes, the measurement is flawed, because one cannot measure something, when both, the measurement rod and the object of measurement, are subject to change.

 

The price statistician constructs a basket of products in order to measure the changes of the value of money. He claims that this basket is representative. But he cannot ignore the fact that the composition of this basket changes over time. Some products become obsolete, other products get modified and new goods and services appear. So he will change the composition of the basket. By this procedure, however, he implicitly changes also the units of measurement.

 

It was this problem, after all, that caused the headaches at the BLS. Therefore it resorted to the hedonic technique as a way to make the basket “constant”. The current endeavors of the statistical bureau are directed at constructing a basket, which is not just representative, but also constant in terms of quality or rather in terms of the pleasure the product gives to the consumer. However, no sophistication can surmount the principle barrier that the claim of being “representative” or that of determining what is an improvement can be settled in an objective way.

 

Economists call the unnoticed effect of monetary changes on prices the “money illusion”. Likewise one may call the price index a “statistical illusion” based on the chimera of a fixed basket of products as the unit of measurement. Both illusions consist in taking something as stable that is not constant. In both cases, no correct measurement and no solid assessment occur. The published inflation rate along with the derived numbers for real economic growth and productivity get utmost attention, while the dubious nature of these figures is widely ignored.

 

In order to measure something one needs a constant measuring rod on. One cannot measure something in a meaningful sense when both are variables: the price changes as the object of measurement and the goods basket as the meter. The problem with the price index is that both do change: the composition of the individual basket of goods changes and the quantity of money.

 

The urge to measure the “price level” appeared after the demise of the gold standard. Under the gold standard, money was fairly stable, at least to a degree that allowed individuals and business to perform sound economic calculation. With the abandonment of the gold standard, the necessity emerged to “measure” the purchasing power of money. With money now as the variable, a “representative” basket of products was said to serve as the measuring rod. The BLS felt rightly so that the traditional way of calculating the price index was flawed. Now they use hedonics. However, the critique against measuring the un-measurable as put forth by Ludwig von Mises still holds that the “notion of stability and stabilization are empty if they do not refer to a state of rigidity and its preservation."4

 

Who needs these statistics anyway other than governments and central banks that claim to be in charge of “the economy”, and the econometricians and prognosticators who build their models on these numbers? The consumer himself will judge to his best knowledge and preferences whether he likes the product or not. With respect to its price, he will decide to buy or to abstain. Companies may use “hedonics” and other techniques as long as they are based on technical criteria. But it is something quite different when the statistics are said to measure the overall economy and its performance, and to measure the so-called price level and the value of money.

 

 

Governments want the best available figures for the economy as a whole, for such indicators as real economic growth and productivity. If the government asks for it, the statisticians can deliver. Beyond government, the utility of aggregates and averages such as the “gross domestic production” of the “price-level”, are minimal or rather detrimental. If the variation of these figures is small, the significance of the number for business and the consumer is nil, and if these changes are large, any housewife, businessman and employee is aware of the new situation.

 

For economic and monetary policy formulation, the price index represents a central indicator. It affects directly social security payments and translates indirectly into the determination of the figures for real economic growth and productivity. The so-called “inflation rate” is central to the conduct of monetary policy, and for investors it serves to determine the real yields of bonds and stocks. However, what is published as the number for inflation is a highly crude number at best and a very deceiving one at worst. When taken naively at its face value, the inflation rate as it gets published not only distorts policy decisions, but also those of the private investor.