反日하다가 自滅한 韓國의 保守右派

펀드빌더(회원)

이러한 좌파세력의 大勢장악은 결정적으로, 保守右派의 自滅 때문이라고 볼 수
있다. 그리고 그 自滅의 핵심에는 '反日'이 자리잡고 있다고 봐도 과언이 아니다.
保守右派 대통령(朴)이 자유진영 우방국 日本 방문하기를 끝까지 거부하다가  
물러나고, 左派 대통령(文)이 오히려 환영받으며 日本을 방문해 日本 정상과 더
불어 한반도 정세를 논하는 기막힌(통탄할) 현실을 우리는 마주하고 있다. 이러
한 비극적 현실을 초래한 책임의 상당부분은, 오늘날 反日에 빠진 韓國의 保守
右派들에게 돌아가야 마땅하다. 保守右派 대통령이 日本과 열심히 싸우다가 烹
당해 감옥이나 가고, 여타 보수우파 세력도 親北左派의 走狗가 되어 日本과 열
심히 싸우다가 烹당해 거의 일망타진되고 있는 것이 오늘날 韓國의 리얼한 모
습이다.
 
韓國 안보에 전적으로 도움되는 '日本 집단자위권'을 규탄한다며 左派 야당과
손잡고 '日本 집단자위권 규탄결의안'(2014년9월)이라는 것을 채택하는 기이
한 행보를 보인 것도 韓國의 保守右派(박근혜 정권 여당)였다. 保守右派 대통
령(朴)이나 保守右派 국회의원(새누리), 그리고 保守右派 국민들이, 만약, 日
本에 맞서싸우는 에너지와 열정의 절반만이라도 親北左派와 맞서싸우는 데로
돌렸다면, 오늘날 자유대한민국이 이렇게까지 위기에 처하지는 않았을 것이다. (발췌)
---->반일이 보수우파 자멸에 결정적인 역할을 했다는 필자의 주장에 동의하지는 않는다.  일부 작용했을 가능성은 있다. 그보다는 한국 사회가 이미 오래전(박정희 대통령의 의료보험)부터 복지국가 정책을 지향했고, 그로써 좌경화의 길을 서서히 걸어왔다고 본다. 지금은 사회 전체가 온통 좌파적 정책으로 둘러싸여 있다. 그래서 나는 비록 우파가 정권을 잡더라도 이 대세를 바꾸기가 상당히 어렵고, 대세를 바꾸려면 혁신적인 생각의 전환이 있어야 한다고 믿는다. 혁신적인 생각의 전환은 물론 자유주의적 사고와

개혁을 말한다. 
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기념일 바꾼다고 해서 일제잔재가 청산되나? 경부선부터 철거해야지

문무대왕(회원)  

철도에 관한 일제 잔재를 제대로 청산하려면 일본정부와 일본자본에 의해 건설되고 부설된 1899년 경인선과 1905년 경부선, 1906년 경의선, 중앙선 호남선 철도도 모두 철거해야만 철도의 진정한 일제 잔재 청산이 되지 않겠는가?
청와대도 그 뿌리는 조선총독부 관저(官邸)였다. 대통령은 왜 일제 잔재인 청와대에 눌러 앉아 있는가? 이사 가지 않고… YS가 중앙청이 조선총독부 건물이었다고 해서 철거한 그 정도의 무모한 용기(?)는 있어야 일제 잔재를 청산했다고 말할 수 있지, 쩨쩨하게 기념일 정도 바꾸면서 일제 잔재 청산했다고 큰소리는 왜 치고 있는가? (발췌)
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한반도의 비핵화는 지난 30년간 8번에 걸쳐 그랬듯이 또 한 번의 비핵화 거짓 평화쇼를 펼치고 있습니다. 북미 정상회담을 앞두고 중국 시진핑을 만나 혈맹관계임을 과시한 이번 대련회담이 그것을 말해주고 있습니다. 문 정권이 추진하는 한반도 비핵화 쇼는 그래서 위험한 도박이라고 나는 수차례 지적한바 있습니다.
늦어도 연말까지는 문 정권과 김정은의 이런 남북 평화쇼가 백일하에 드러날 수도 있을 것으로 나는 봅니다. 국민이 깨어 있어야 이를 막을 수 있습니다. 북핵 폐기가 없는 남북 평화쇼는 결국 세계를 상대로 하는 또 한 번의 기망쇼에 불과합니다.
홍준표(자유한국당 대표) 페이스북 발췌
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청와대의 사법부 압박에 반기를 든 용감한 판사들
조갑제
https://youtu.be/wKa2oOSntuY
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남북 접경지에 ‘평화발전소’ 건설 추진!!


남북 접경지역에 현재 평양에서 사용 중인 전력의 2배에 해당하는 전력을 생산하는

‘평화발전소’ 건설계획을 수립한 것으로 확인됐다.

또 북한 주요 공업지구에 인접한 해주·원산·김책시 등지에 북한의 산업성장을 견인하기 위해

신규 석탄화력발전소 건설도 추진한다.


정부, 북한 전력난 해소 위한 ‘중장기 협력방안’ 수립

[출처] 퍼주기 시동 걸었노 ㅋㅋㅋ

---->한국을 가난하게 만들고, 적에게 무기를 쥐어주는 반역행위이다.

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황금알을 낳는 암탉을 잡으면, 그 다음에는 손가락을 빨아야 한다.

하지만 좌파 멍청이들은 행복한 세상이 온다고 믿고 있다. 웃으면서 울어야 하나?

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Unelected Power: The Quest for Legitimacy in Central Banking and the Regulatory State Hardcover – May 22, 2018

by Paul Tucker (Author)

Guiding principles for ensuring that central bankers and other unelected policymakers remain stewards of the common good
Central bankers have emerged from the financial crisis as the third great pillar of unelected power alongside the judiciary and the military. They pull the regulatory and financial levers of our economic well-being, yet unlike democratically elected leaders, their power does not come directly from the people. Unelected Power lays out the principles needed to ensure that central bankers, technocrats, regulators, and other agents of the administrative state remain stewards of the common good and do not become overmighty citizens.
Paul Tucker draws on a wealth of personal experience from his many years in domestic and international policymaking to tackle the big issues raised by unelected power, and enriches his discussion with examples from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and the European Union. Blending economics, political theory, and public law, Tucker explores the necessary conditions for delegated but politically insulated power to be legitimate in the eyes of constitutional democracy and the rule of law. He explains why the solution must fit with how real-world government is structured, and why technocrats and their political overseers need incentives to make the system work as intended. Tucker explains how the regulatory state need not be a fourth branch of government free to steer by its own lights, and how central bankers can emulate the best of judicial self-restraint and become models of dispersed power.
Like it or not, unelected power has become a hallmark of modern government. This critically important book shows how to harness it to the people's purposes. (아마존의 책 소개)
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닐 퍼거슨의 글 <The Iran Deal and the ‘Problem of Conjecture’>

헨리 키신저가 제기한 "추측의 문제"
본인의 책 <자유주의자의 독백>(위퍼블 출판)에서도 이에 대해 언급했다.
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자유 언론을 위한 소책자. 아래 주소에 있다.


http://www.freeruk.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Freeish-Speech.pdf


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How Churchill got the measure of Marx


사회주의의 실체를 파악하고 맹렬히 싸웠던 처칠 이야기
https://unherd.com/2018/05/churchill-got-measure-marx/
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아르헨의 마크리 대통령은 구제 금융을 신청하면서, 금리 인상, 유가 인상 등 통제할 수 없는 세계적 요인 때문이라고 했지만, 그건 거짓이다. 핵심은 페소 화의 추락 때문인데, 그것은 2015년 마크리가 취임 이후 증가한 통화량에 기인한다.

 

Argentina Sells Baloney for a Bailout

 

Joseph T. Salerno

 

Surprise, surprise! With the peso continuing to drop like a stone against the U.S. dollar, Argentina has appealed to the IMF for emergency credit. In requesting the bailout, President Macri cited the sudden emergence of global factors beyond his control for the current plight of the peso.

 

 

During the first two years [of his administration] we have had a very favourable global context, but today that is changing, global conditions are becoming increasingly complex due to several factors: interest rates are rising, oil is rising, currencies of emerging countries have been devalued, all variables that we do not control.

 

But this is a load of baloney. As I pointed out in my post yesterday, the slide of the peso is due to one and only one thing: the enormously high rate of growth of the money supply since Macri took office in December 2015. The money growth rate exceeded 45% year over year during the first three quarters of 2017 and has never fallen below 25% during Macri’s tenure. Rather than requesting aid, which will guarantee more currency crises in the future, President Macri needs to call a halt to central bank intervention in the foreign exchange markets and allow the peso to depreciate and reveal the true extent of past monetary inflation. If he then implements a credible program—and at this point, only a shock program will be considered credible—to bring inflationary monetary policy to an end, the currency crisis will cure itself.

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가격 안정 정책의 기저에는 화폐가 중립적이라는 관점이 있다. 화폐의 변화는 가격 수준에만 영향을 미치고, 실물 경제와 상품 및 서비스의 상대적인 가격 변화에는 어떤 효과도 미치지 않는다는 것이다.

화폐가 중립적이라고 생각하는 사람들의 문제는, 시장 경제에서 상품과 서비스의 상대적 가격이 화폐와 무관하게 성립된다고 주장하는 것이다.

새로운 돈이 시장에 공급되면, 그것을 맨 처음 사용하는 사람들은 상품들의 가격이 상승하기 전에, 더 많은 양의 상품을 구입할 수 있다.

하지만 새로운 화폐를 늦게 받은 사람은 이미 상품의 가격이 올랐기 때문에 구입할 수 있는 상품이 적어진다.

따라서 화폐의 양을 증가시키면, 그 화폐를 나중에 받은 사람으로부터 처음 만진 사람으로, 부의 재분배가 이뤄진다. 그리고 이로 인해 상품과 서비스의 상대적인 가격이 변하게 된다.

상품의 개별적인 가격에 미치는 화폐의 효과를 분리해 낼 수 없으므로, 가격 수준을 측정하고 안정화 할 수 있다는 생각은 엉터리다.

가격 안정화 정책은 자의적인 가격 색인을 안정화 하는 정책으로, 이런 종류의 정책은 경영을 불안정하게 하고, 부의 생산 과정을 약화시킨다.

 

A Policy of Price Stability Leads to Instability

 

•Frank Shostak

 

 

For most experts the key factor that sets the foundation for healthy economic fundamentals is a stable price level as depicted by the consumer price index.

 

In this way of thinking, a stable price level ensures the visibility of the relative changes in the prices of goods and services.

 

Consequently, it is held, this leads to the efficient use of the economy’s scarce resources and hence results in better economic fundamentals.

 

A stable price level enables businesses to see clearly market signals that are conveyed by the relative changes in the prices of goods and services.

 

For instance, let us say that a relative strengthening in people’s demand for potatoes versus tomatoes took place. This relative strengthening, it is held, is going to be depicted by the relative increase in the prices of potatoes versus tomatoes.

 

In a free market, businesses pay attention to consumer wishes as manifested by changes in the relative prices of goods and services. Failing to abide by consumer wishes will lead to the wrong production mix of goods and services and will lead to losses.

 

Hence, in our case, businesses, by paying attention to relative changes in prices, are likely to increase the production of potatoes versus tomatoes.

 

In this way of thinking, if the price level is not stable, then the visibility of the relative price changes becomes blurred and consequently, businesses cannot ascertain the relative changes in the demand for goods and services and make correct production decisions.

 

Also, the thinking goes, while changes in the price level are set by changes in money supply, however, changes in money supply have nothing to do with changes in relative prices. Changes in relative prices are set by real factors i.e. changes in demand and supply that have nothing to do with changes in money supply. Or so it is held.

 

Thus, it is not surprising that the mandate of the central bank is to pursue policies that will bring price stability.

 

By means of various quantitative methods, the Fed’s economists have established that at present policy makers must aim at keeping US price inflation at 2%. Any significant deviation from this figure constitutes deviation from the growth path of price stability.

 

Why the Policy of Price Stability Leads to More Instability

 

At the root of price stabilization policies is a view that money is neutral. Changes in money only have an effect on the price level while having no effect whatsoever on the real economy and hence on the relative changes of prices of goods and services.

 

In this way of thinking changes in the relative prices of goods and services are established without the aid of money.

 

For instance, if one apple exchanges for two potatoes then the price of an apple is two potatoes, or the price of one potato is half an apple. The rate of exchange between apples and potatoes is established by real factors that drive the demand and the supply for apples and potatoes.

 

In this way of thinking if one apple exchanges for one dollar then it follows that the price of a potato is $0.5. Note that the introduction of money doesn’t alter the fact that the relative price of potatoes versus apples is 2:1 (two-to-one). A seller of an apple will get for it one dollar, which in turn will enable him to purchase two potatoes. Money therefore appears to be just a mere numeraire.

 

In this way of thinking an increase in the quantity of money leads to a proportionate fall in its purchasing power i.e. a rise in the price level, while a fall in the quantity of money will result in a proportionate increase in the purchasing power of money i.e. a fall in the price level.

 

For instance, the amount of money has doubled and as a result the purchasing power of money has halved, or the price level has doubled. This means that now one apple could be exchanged for $2 while one potato for $1.

 

Despite the doubling in prices a seller of an apple with the obtained $2 will still be able to purchase two potatoes. As one can see, the doubling in the price level because of an increase in money supply has no effect on the relative prices of apples versus potatoes on this way of thinking. We suggest that this way of thinking is problematic.

 

Why Money Is Not Neutral

 

The problem with this way of thinking that it holds that in a market economy the relative prices of goods and services established independently of money. But this is not the case. It is changes in supply and demand for money and supply and demand for goods that set in motion changes in the prices of goods and services.

 

Furthermore, when new money is injected there are always first recipients of the newly injected money who benefit from this injection. The first recipients with more money at their disposal can now acquire a greater amount of goods while prices of these goods are still unchanged.

 

As money starts to move around the prices of goods begin to rise. Consequently, the late receiver benefits to a lesser extent from monetary injections or may even find that most prices have risen so much that they can now afford less goods.

 

Increases in money supply lead to a redistribution of real wealth from later recipients, or non-recipients of money to the earlier recipients. Obviously, this shift in real wealth alters individuals’ demands for goods and services and in turn alters the relative prices of goods and services.

 

Changes in money supply sets in motion new dynamics that give rise to changes in demands for goods and to changes in their relative prices. Hence, changes in money supply cannot be neutral as far as relative prices of goods are concerned.

 

The effect of changes in demand and supply of money and demand and supply of goods on prices of goods is intertwined and there is no way that one can somehow isolate these effects.

 

For instance, it was observed that over a time span of one year the price of tomatoes increased by 10% while the price of potatoes went up by 2%. This information, however, cannot tell us how much of the increase in prices was on account of changes in demand and supply for goods and how much on account of changes in demand and supply for money. According to Rothbard,

 

Even if all the prices in the array had risen we would not know by how much the PPM (purchasing power of money) had fallen, and we would not know how much of the change was due to an increase in the demand for money and how much to changes in stocks.

 

Since these influences cannot be separated obviously it is not possible to isolate and stabilize the so called purchasing power of money i.e. the price level. It follows then that since these influences are intertwined any attempt to stabilize the price level would imply tampering with relative prices and thereby disrupting the efficient allocation of resources.

 

This is, however, not what the stabilizers are telling us. For they believe that the greatest merit of stabilizing changes in the price level is that it allows free and transparent fluctuations in the relative prices, which in turn leads to the efficient allocation of scarce resources.

 

Since it is not possible to isolate the monetary effect on individual prices of goods, obviously then the whole idea that one can measure and somehow stabilize the price level is flawed.

 

Furthermore, the idea of the general purchasing power of money and hence the price level cannot be even established conceptually. Here is why.

 

When $1 is exchanged for 1 loaf of bread we can say that the purchasing power of $1 is 1 loaf of bread. If $1 is exchanged for 2 tomatoes then this also means that the purchasing power of $1 is 2 tomatoes. The information regarding the specific purchasing power of money doesn’t allow the establishment of the total purchasing power of money.

 

It is not possible to ascertain the total purchasing power of money since we cannot add up 2 tomatoes to 1 loaf of bread. We can only establish the purchasing power of money with respect to a particular good in a transaction at a given point in time and at a given place. On this Rothbard wrote,

 

Since the general exchange-value, or PPM, of money cannot be quantitatively defined and isolated in any historical situation, and its changes cannot be defined or measured, it is obvious that it cannot be kept stable. If we do not know what something is, we cannot very well act to keep it constant.

 

The popular notion that the central bank can implement a policy of price stability by stabilizing changes in a price index such as the consumer price index is therefore erroneous. The construction of price indices is an attempt at an impossible task of establishing a non-existent price level.

 

The policy of price stability is therefore a policy of stabilizing an arbitrary price index, which supposedly represents the price level. Needless to say that this type of policy only destabilizes businesses and weakens the process of wealth generation.

 

In his book America's Great Depression, Murray Rothbard argued that one of the reason's that most economists of the 1920's did not recognize the existence of an inflationary problem was the widespread adoption of a stable price level as the goal and criterion for monetary policy.

 

Rothbard wrote,

 

Far less controversial is the fact that more and more economists came to consider a stable price level as the major goal of monetary policy. The fact that general prices were more or less stable during the 1920's told most economists that there was no inflationary threat, and therefore the events of the great depression caught them completely unaware.

 

Given the fact that present day economists are following exactly the same line of thinking it is quite likely that the Fed's policy of price stability may catch economists again unaware of the damage inflicted by this policy.

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 肺心病心衰辨治

  肺心病心衰，中医多认为属于“肺胀”、“喘证”等范畴,是由多种慢性肺系疾病反复发作，迁延不愈，导致肺气受伤，不能敛降所致，临证从痰饮辨治。

    肺心病心衰以咳逆倚息，短气不得卧，或伴有下肢水肿为典型症状，可见于多种心血管疾病的严重或终末阶段，其病机多为久病心阳受损，痰瘀壅滞，水饮内停所致。故从痰饮论之尤为实用，责之脾肾肺阳虚，痰饮生成更能体现其病因病机。

    温药和之

    痰饮为阴邪，非温不化。《金匮要略·痰饮咳嗽病脉证并治》明确指出：“病痰饮者，当以温药和之。”因此根据肺心病并右心衰阳虚饮停，上凌心肺的病机，当采用温运阳气，健脾利水，泻肺涤饮的治疗方法，而苓桂术甘汤作为“温药和之”的代表方，具有温阳化饮之功，偏于温脾阳，以治本为主。

    又《金匮要略·痰饮病脉证病治》篇用葶苈大枣泻肺汤治疗“支饮不得息”，其具有泻肺涤饮之功，长于泄肺中壅滞，治标为辅。两方配合应用正可兼顾肺心病心衰阳虚为本，痰饮上泛为标的病机特点。

    三焦论治

    在此基础上，笔者还运用了三焦辨治的方法。

    痰饮在上焦者，桔朴宣降通水道。痰饮在上焦，多由肺阳不足，肺气失宣引起；肺主宣发肃降，肺气不足，肺失其宣降之功，则津液不能正常布散，亦不能下达，遂停聚于上而成痰饮。《灵枢·决气篇》云：“上焦开发，宣五谷味，熏肤，充身，泽毛，若雾露之溉”，故曰“肺为水之上源”。可取桔梗、厚朴等宣通上下内外之肺气，恢复其通调之功能。

    痰饮在中焦者，参苓半夏阖阳明。多由脾胃阳气不足而起，胃虚者当阖阳明，顾护元气，同时予温药开饮。阖阳明以参、苓为主药，温通胃阳则多选半夏，方以大、小半夏汤为主；脾阳不足，则失运化，故以健脾运中为法。所谓“外饮治脾”，多用茯苓饮、苓桂术甘汤，偶用六君子汤。小半夏汤由半夏、生姜组成，加茯苓名小半夏加茯苓汤。

    痰饮在下焦者，肾气真武温肾阳。此证肾阳亏虚是痰饮主因，故温煦肾阳为其主要治法，常用真武汤、肾气丸、桂苓味甘汤等。

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대시호탕과 반하사심탕으로 오래된 위장병을 고치다

来找我治疗的病人，大多都是久治不好的疑难杂病。但，同数年之前，用药处方的杂乱无章形成鲜明对比的，则是如今近几年的有板有眼，经方元素浓厚。骨子里也被打上了深深的经方烙印，找到了属于自己的中医风格，这无疑是值得欣喜的。

忆，2013年10月，一政客，五十一二岁。来访说：别得毛病没有，就是老胃病，胃痛、胃酸、胃胀。自述近20年来，一直反复发作，看了不少医院的专家，多方求医用药均未愈。中医也没少看，祖传的、知名的都有，但效果甚差。一个小小的胃病竟然困扰他20年之久。经人介绍找到这里，请我开中药调理治疗一下。

哎！常常看到，遇到此类病人，为病所恐，为病所累，或为以往医生误治，而耗费精力财力多多。不免心生感叹，求医之路多坚！

刻诊：面色红润，能吃能喝，餐前心口难受，略有饭后胀闷，夜间为甚。口干，易饥饿，平素不敢进食生冷寒凉之物。大便干，小便热，血糖偏高。舌淡红苔黄腻，脉细数。腹诊：按之心下脘腹抵抗感，胀、满、闷微痛，余无它症。

病情表现得错综复杂，虚实寒热并见。辨病与辩证相结合，积滞胃痛大柴胡汤、心下痞满半夏泻心汤。单刀直入，合方而用，遵医6剂而归。

一周后，患者喜形于色奔来相告，服一天后症状就减缓一半”决非虚言。结果，7天以后，这个老毛病居然好了。他说：二十年的老胃病，居然这么个简简单单的中药就给治好了，简直是不可思议啊。真是不简单，谢谢你杨大夫！因为解决了患者的老毛病，这让我也高兴不已。

 临床上，我单用此二方治疗老胃病甚多，大多三五付即效，得心应手。有时也将二方合用，效果亦佳。简单的药方取得了翻天覆地般的变化，治愈了患者近20年的胃痛、返酸、胀满。这多少让他感到意外。又因服药时间不长，加上我年龄不大，更令患者对我刮目相看，拍案叫绝。成就感油然而生！

此政要前辈善健谈，解人意，心胸坦诚并颇俱古风。知我医道不易，用情很深，行医之路步履维艰后，怀恻隐之心四处为我美言称道，在短短的时间内，令我增色不少。

以后的事儿，也让我很开心。这些天，又陆续接到了几位想服用中药改善健康的患者，造访者上至政客，下至平民百姓，此外还有各界名流。都是他一一力荐前来。承蒙厚爱，凭添了一种气场，吸引着四面八方的患者来访，这些都是相当难能可贵的机缘。他成人之美，积善成德的友道文脉，使我深受教益。击节叹赏，感概良多，感谢他的信任和提携。

经方强大的威力不可思议！我因此，顿生出很多无限的幸福感和好的回报。为医者不可不重视中医本有的与众不同和佛心禅意！

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당뇨병 명방

凌耀星糖尿病方

凌耀星1919年出生，高祖为明清御医。据史料记载，凌耀星的远祖凌云是湖州十大名医之一，“精熟针灸术，凡经其以针灸治者，无不见效，遂有医道名闻天下之称。其为人慷慨，讲求医德，凡求医者，不计日夜，不辞风雨，无不疾赴。对因贫困无钱医治者，不取半文。于孝宗(1488－1505)年间奉召至京，被聘为御医。与李时珍一起同列《明史》”。

　　此后，凌氏后代世传祖业，到凌耀星，是第十六代传人上海中医药大学主任医师、教授，1944年起从事中医临床，为全国老中医药专家学术经验继承工作指导老师、全国名老中医。                         

    糖尿病  是危害人类健康的常见病。这种病属内分泌代谢疾病，病理改变是胰岛素相对不足，引起血糖过高、糖尿、葡萄糖耐量减低，以及胰岛释放试验异常。由于临床多出现多饮、多食、多尿，以及烦渴、善饥、乏力、消瘦等症状，故古代称之为消渴病。该病与肺、胃、肾三脏有关，系由素体阴虚，五脏柔弱，兼以饮食不节，过食肥甘，醇酒厚味，情志不调，五志过极，劳欲过度，从而形成燥热偏盛，阴津亏耗，两者相互影响，互为因果。治疗当以阴虚为本，燥热为标的机理，采用养肺阴、清胃热、滋肾阴为主法，再根据不同诱因、症状，辨证施治，方能收效。 

    糖尿病如今被许多人称为“富贵病”，专家们说这是一种“吃出来的病”。据“中国糖尿病教育醒目年会”称，我国有五千多万人受到糖尿病的威胁，而且发病率呈逐步上升趋势，发病年龄也越来越趋于年轻化。糖尿病是由遗传和环境因素相互作用而引起的一系列以代谢紊乱为主要特征的临床综合症，我国中医界许多专家对此病的预防和治疗进行着不懈的研究和探索，取得明显的成果。这里介绍的是刘冠军先生关于治疗糖尿病的一些处方，凌耀星先生关于糖尿病人饮食疗法的一些处方，供朋友们参考。 

    糖尿病奇方 

    方一： 

    [药物]  生地20g、人参15g、山茱萸10g、葛根15g、麦冬10g、牡丹皮10g、山药10g、鸡内金10g、知母10g、肉桂5g。 

    [制、用法]  加水煎服，1日3次；或共为细面，水泛小丸，每次服3～5g，1日3次，饭后白开水送下。 

    [功能]  以养阴为主。 

    方二： 

    [药物]  大生地20g、人参15g、山茱萸10g、茯苓10g、枸杞子15g、花粉10g、桑螵蛸15g、泽泻10g、金樱子15g、山药15g、藏红花5g、牡蛎15g、淡附子5g、黄芪20g、淫羊藿15g、丹皮10g、鹿茸5g、龙骨15g、肉桂5g、赤芍10g、 

    [制、用法]  水煎服，1日3次；或水泛为小丸，每次服3～5g，1日3次，饭后白开水送下。 

    [功能]  以益肾为主。 

    用生地、玄参，生津降糖；苍术、黄芪益气升津；山药固摄下元，既适合病人口味，又可降低血糖、尿糖的增高，实为治疗保健之佳品。

    方三： 

    [药物]  人参15g、知母15g、麦冬10g、生地15g、玄参15g、黄连10g、黄芩15g、花粉10g、生石膏30g。 

    [制、用法]  加水煎服，1日2次；或水泛为小丸，每次服3～5g，1日3次，白开水送下。 

    [功能]  泻热为主。 

    见证选药： 

    1、凡渴甚者，重用沙参、花粉、养阴止渴。 

    2、凡饥甚者，重用生地、石斛，生津止渴。 

    3、尿糖，重用山药、黄芪，消除尿糖。 

    4、血糖升高者，重用苍术、玄参，消除血糖。 

    5、凡有多尿者，重用桑螵蛸、益智仁，涩尿。 

    6、凡见口苦脉弦，多系肝郁化火，应加柴胡、白芍、黄芩、苍术，清肝热，解肝郁。 

    7、凡见心烦不寐者，加淡竹叶、山栀、莲子，清心热，除烦躁；加枣仁、合欢花，安眠。 

    8、凡见耳鸣眩晕者，加灵磁石、酒芍、蝉蜕，兼服磁朱丸，除鸣；加天麻、夏枯草、钩藤，止眩。 

    9、凡见头痛，加川芎、夏枯草、细辛，止痛。 

    10、凡见感寒者，加紫苏叶、防风、柴胡、大青叶、金银花，解表散邪。 

    11、凡有心悸者，加炙甘草、麦冬、阿胶，养血止悸。 

    12、凡见纳呆少食者，加炒鸡内金、谷芽、麦芽，健脾进食。 

    13、凡有自汗者，加牡蛎、龙骨、浮麦、麻黄根，收敛止汗。 

    14、凡有浮肿者，加黄芪、茯苓，兼服金匮肾气丸，温阳行水。 

    15、见燥热便结者，加瓜蒌仁、郁李仁，润肠通便；加大黄、枳实、芒硝、麦冬、倍生地、玄参，滋阴增液，清胃泻火，通便。 

    16、凡见吞酸者，加海螵蛸、牡蛎，止酸。 

    17、凡见膝软无力者，加牛膝、狗脊，健膝。 

    18、凡见经闭者，加牛膝、赤芍、当归、川芎、续断，通经。 

    19、凡见皮肤瘙痒者，加地肤子、白蒺藜、蛇床子，祛风止痒。 

    20、凡见呃频者，加丁香、柿蒂，温胃止呃。 

    21、凡见尿频如膏者，加桑螵蛸、益智仁、肉桂、附子，益肾清溲。 

    22、凡有疖肿者，加金银花、地丁、连翅、赤芍、草河车，消疖肿。 

    23、凡有腰痛者，加杜仲、桑寄生、狗脊、巴戟天，益肾壮腰。 

    24、凡见麻木者，加豨签草、鸡血藤、桑枝，兼服桂枝黄芪五物汤，养血舒筋。 

    25、凡见足挛者，加白芍、甘草，解挛急。 

    26、凡见便溏者，加罂粟壳、扁豆、白术，健脾止泻。 

    27、凡见肢冷者，加当归、细辛，温通阳气。 

    28、凡见阳痿者，加淫羊藿、巴戟天、菟丝子、鹿茸，助肾。 

    29、凡有眼底出血者，加大蓟、小蓟、三七、槐花、白芍，消眼部离经之血。 

    30、凡见有酮体者，加金银花、兰根、大青叶、紫草、黄连、黄芩，解毒，消除酮体。 

    31、凡见胆固醇偏高者，加山楂、槐花，降脂。 

    32、凡见蛋白尿者，倍黄芪、山药、山茱萸，消除蛋白尿。 

    33、凡见有高血压者，加夏枯草；水肿者加防己、牛膝、佩兰、益母草，降压。 

    34、凡见心痛者，加瓜蒌、薤白、丹参、没药，通络止痛。 

    35、凡见有白带增多者，加白果、土茯苓，黄柏、益母草，止带。 

    36、凡见白内障者，加白蒺藜、木贼、菊花、谷精草、夜明砂、枸杞子，祛障明目。 

    37、凡有泌尿系感染者，加金银花、地丁，清热解毒。 

    38、凡有遗精者，加龙骨、牡蛎、桑螵蛸、金樱子，固精。 

    39、凡见尿少者，加茯苓、车前子、地肤子、白茅根，利尿。 

    40、凡有脂肪肝，加泽泻、首乌、黄精、山楂、柴胡、郁金、连翘，清肝消脂。 

    41、凡有低血糖者，加沙参、麦冬，益津液。 

    42、凡有低热者，加地骨皮、青蒿、龟甲，清虚热。 

    43、凡有气郁者，加柴胡、当归、白芍、薄荷，舒其郁，散其结，行其气。 

    44、凡热入营血，加生地、玄参、丹皮、白薇，清营热，以护阴液。 

    方四： 

    [药物]  人参皂甙25g、黄芪50g、葛根50g、乌梅25g、花粉50g、五味子25g、生地150g、麦冬50g、玄参50g、黄连20g、山茱萸50g、茯苓50g、苍术50g、女贞子50g、炒蚕沙50g、覆盆子50g、枸杞子50g、鸡内金20g。 

    [制法]  此药混合为面，水泛为小丸。 

    [用法]  每次服3～5g，1日3次，饭后白开水送下。 

    [功能]  生津止渴，清热除烦，养阴滋肾，益气和中，降血糖，尿糖。 

    [主治]  糖尿病多饮、多尿、多食、消瘦、疲倦、无力、尿糖、血糖升高者。 

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